Wednesday, October 17, 2007
Shiite tribal leaders say Islamism on the rise in southern Iraq
Religion ,Politics, Tribal
(Reuters) - Shi'ite Islamist political parties are imposing strict Islamic rules in the oil-producing southern provinces of Iraq and using their armed wings to create a state of fear, a group of tribal Shi'ite leaders said. The four tribal leaders approached Reuters on condition of anonymity, fearing assassination if their names or even their home provinces were made public.
"Fear rules the streets now," said one of the sheikhs. "We cannot speak our minds, people are not allowed to oppose them. They would immediately disappear or get killed. The evidence of that is I am talking about it but cannot use my name." The fear is not unfounded -- two provincial governors and a police chief were blown up by roadside bombs in August, apparent victims of infighting between the Shi'ite parties for political dominance in the region, source of most of Iraq's oil wealth.
Aides to Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the reclusive religious leader of Iraq's Shi'ites, have also been killed. The sheikhs said the conservative religious attitudes meant only religious music was now allowed to be played in public places and dancing was forbidden, as was drinking alcohol. Women were also harassed for wearing clothing deemed inappropriate.
Photographs of secular political leaders like former interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi could not be displayed in shops and other public areas. Street committees that were set up to protect neighbourhoods from al Qaeda attacks were being misused to spy on residents and report infractions to the militias and the police, they said.
"The people of the south are religious, we are believers, but at the same time we like to live our lives and we like freedom," said one sheikh.
The Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC) and the movement of cleric Moqtada al-Sadr are the dominant political forces in the Shi'ite provinces. Both have links to neighbouring Iran and believe Iraq should be governed according to Islamic principles. SIIC controls most of the governors in the south, and its armed wing, the Badr Organisation, has many members in the police force. Sadr's powerful Mehdi Army militia has fought fierce battles with police loyal to the Badr Organisation.
SIIC and the Sadrists saw their rise to power cemented by the December 2005 elections which brought the Islamist Shi'ite Alliance to power. The Sadrists have since pulled out of the Alliance and the government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, leader of the smaller Islamist Dawa party. The growing strength of the parties in the south has weakened some secular tribal leaders and excluded them from power structures, a source of patronage and revenues.
"Some say the Shi'ites are lucky because they are now ruling Iraq, but that is wrong. It is the Islamist Shi'ites who are ruling Iraq. Their victory was a curse for us," said one sheikh. The sheikhs blamed Washington for giving Shi'ite Islamists a free hand in the south. U.S. forces are concentrated to the north, focused mainly on Sunni Islamist al Qaeda and other Sunni Arab militants and so-called rogue Mehdi Army groups.
Washington has thrown its weight behind Baghdad's Islamist- led government despite misgivings about its failure to push ahead with national reconciliation and the close ties between some parties and Iran, the United States' long-time foe. SIIC and the Sadrists are seen by the sheikhs as importing a conservative brand of Shi'ism from neighbouring Iran, which U.S. officials accuse of arming Shi'ite militias to use as proxies to enforce their influence in the south.
"We are suffering from two occupations -- America and Iran. We have told American officials this and we have met some of them, but they are not listening to us," one sheikh complained. Some tribes were talking about taking up arms against the Islamist parties, but the tribal leaders said they feared this would unleash a bloodbath that would destabilise the south. "The tribes do not want violence ... but at the same time we want to see a change that preserves the rights of all Iraqis, so that we are really free," said one sheikh.
"Fear rules the streets now," said one of the sheikhs. "We cannot speak our minds, people are not allowed to oppose them. They would immediately disappear or get killed. The evidence of that is I am talking about it but cannot use my name." The fear is not unfounded -- two provincial governors and a police chief were blown up by roadside bombs in August, apparent victims of infighting between the Shi'ite parties for political dominance in the region, source of most of Iraq's oil wealth.
Aides to Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the reclusive religious leader of Iraq's Shi'ites, have also been killed. The sheikhs said the conservative religious attitudes meant only religious music was now allowed to be played in public places and dancing was forbidden, as was drinking alcohol. Women were also harassed for wearing clothing deemed inappropriate.
Photographs of secular political leaders like former interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi could not be displayed in shops and other public areas. Street committees that were set up to protect neighbourhoods from al Qaeda attacks were being misused to spy on residents and report infractions to the militias and the police, they said.
"The people of the south are religious, we are believers, but at the same time we like to live our lives and we like freedom," said one sheikh.
The Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC) and the movement of cleric Moqtada al-Sadr are the dominant political forces in the Shi'ite provinces. Both have links to neighbouring Iran and believe Iraq should be governed according to Islamic principles. SIIC controls most of the governors in the south, and its armed wing, the Badr Organisation, has many members in the police force. Sadr's powerful Mehdi Army militia has fought fierce battles with police loyal to the Badr Organisation.
SIIC and the Sadrists saw their rise to power cemented by the December 2005 elections which brought the Islamist Shi'ite Alliance to power. The Sadrists have since pulled out of the Alliance and the government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, leader of the smaller Islamist Dawa party. The growing strength of the parties in the south has weakened some secular tribal leaders and excluded them from power structures, a source of patronage and revenues.
"Some say the Shi'ites are lucky because they are now ruling Iraq, but that is wrong. It is the Islamist Shi'ites who are ruling Iraq. Their victory was a curse for us," said one sheikh. The sheikhs blamed Washington for giving Shi'ite Islamists a free hand in the south. U.S. forces are concentrated to the north, focused mainly on Sunni Islamist al Qaeda and other Sunni Arab militants and so-called rogue Mehdi Army groups.
Washington has thrown its weight behind Baghdad's Islamist- led government despite misgivings about its failure to push ahead with national reconciliation and the close ties between some parties and Iran, the United States' long-time foe. SIIC and the Sadrists are seen by the sheikhs as importing a conservative brand of Shi'ism from neighbouring Iran, which U.S. officials accuse of arming Shi'ite militias to use as proxies to enforce their influence in the south.
"We are suffering from two occupations -- America and Iran. We have told American officials this and we have met some of them, but they are not listening to us," one sheikh complained. Some tribes were talking about taking up arms against the Islamist parties, but the tribal leaders said they feared this would unleash a bloodbath that would destabilise the south. "The tribes do not want violence ... but at the same time we want to see a change that preserves the rights of all Iraqis, so that we are really free," said one sheikh.
Labels: islamism, militias, Moqtada Al-Sadr, SIIC, southern Iraq, tribal leaders
Tuesday, October 16, 2007
Sadrists reject SIIC suggestion of soft partition
Politics
(Al Jazeera) - The Muqtada al-Sadr bloc has rejected a suggestion made by another Iraqi Shia politician that the country should be split into regions based on sect and ethnicity. Ammar Hakim, son of Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, the leader of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), said that dividing the country is "an Iraqi interest, wish and decision". Responding to his comments, Sadr's spokesman in Najaf said on Sunday that his group’s opposition to federalism "is firm and has not been changed".
Sheikh Saleh al-Obeidi, Sadr's spokesman, said: "After the US Congress voted to divide Iraq, it is clear that insisting on applying federalism in the current tragic Iraqi situation is a flirtation with the [non-binding] US Congress resolution [calling for a transfer of power to three self-governing regions - or Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds]. "The SIIC is one of the largest parties in the Iraqi parliament and a key supporter of Nuri al-Maliki, the prime minister.
On October 6, Sadr and al-Hakim agreed their respective militias stop attacking each other. Meanwhile, political differences still remain and al-Hakim has argued in the past for uniting the nine Shia-majority provinces in southern Iraq. The US Congress resolution, sponsored by Senator Joseph Biden, was dismissed by Maliki, who called it an infringement on Iraqi sovereignty even though it was backed by the government in the northern Kurdish region.
Sheikh Saleh al-Obeidi, Sadr's spokesman, said: "After the US Congress voted to divide Iraq, it is clear that insisting on applying federalism in the current tragic Iraqi situation is a flirtation with the [non-binding] US Congress resolution [calling for a transfer of power to three self-governing regions - or Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds]. "The SIIC is one of the largest parties in the Iraqi parliament and a key supporter of Nuri al-Maliki, the prime minister.
On October 6, Sadr and al-Hakim agreed their respective militias stop attacking each other. Meanwhile, political differences still remain and al-Hakim has argued in the past for uniting the nine Shia-majority provinces in southern Iraq. The US Congress resolution, sponsored by Senator Joseph Biden, was dismissed by Maliki, who called it an infringement on Iraqi sovereignty even though it was backed by the government in the northern Kurdish region.
However, the principle of federalism is included in the Iraqi constitution. But Sunni Arabs, who form an estimated 20 per cent of the population and are largely located in central, resource-poor parts of the country, are also against federalism, fearing it would deprive them of oil wealth.
Labels: Ammar al-Hakim, federalism, Moqtada Al-Sadr, partition, Sheikh Saleh al-Obeidi, SIIC
Friday, October 12, 2007
SIIC leader returns from Tehran
Politics
(RFE/RL) - Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim, the head of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), met with leading members of his party on October 10, following his return from cancer treatment in Tehran, the party's website reported on October 11. Al-Hakim reportedly addressed a number of issues at the meeting, including the latest political and security developments and the need to consolidate national unity. The report said those in attendance expressed their happiness over their leader's return after making a "full recovery" from cancer.
Labels: Abd Al Aziz Al Hakim, Iran, SIIC
Monday, October 08, 2007
Al-Sadr and al-Hakim sign truce
Politics
(Al Jazeera) - Moqtada al-Sadr and Abdel Aziz al-Hakim, two of Iraq's most influential Shia leaders, have agreed a deal aimed at ending years of rivalry. Al-Sadr's movement, which enjoyed a surge in popularity after the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq, is backed by several thousand fighters known as the Mahdi Army and is the country's most powerful Shia group.
Al-Hakim leads the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC), another significant Shia faction and a pillar of the ruling coalition. The two groups have clashed repeatedly in the past in their competition for control of Iraq's majority Shia community.
A statement from al-Hakim's office said Saturday's accord mentioned three points aimed at "enhancing relations between the two groups and maintaining the Islamic and national interest." The first point outlined "the necessity to maintain and respect the Iraqi blood under whatever circumstances or by any party. Bloodletting is contrary to all legislations and morals."
Al-Hakim leads the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC), another significant Shia faction and a pillar of the ruling coalition. The two groups have clashed repeatedly in the past in their competition for control of Iraq's majority Shia community.
A statement from al-Hakim's office said Saturday's accord mentioned three points aimed at "enhancing relations between the two groups and maintaining the Islamic and national interest." The first point outlined "the necessity to maintain and respect the Iraqi blood under whatever circumstances or by any party. Bloodletting is contrary to all legislations and morals."
The remaining two points talked of uniting media and cultural efforts and setting up a joint committee with provincial branches to keep order between their respective supporters. Liwa Sumaysim, head of the political committee of the Sadr group, said: "The agreement is essentially a commitment of honour. The most important aspect is that it forbids both sides to engage in bloodletting against each other and against Iraqis in general."
Hamid al-Saadi, head of the SIIC media office, said the deal was agreed in a "friendly spirit" and came at an "important time for the country". "Iraq needs deals between factions in Iraq to enhance and preserve Iraqi unity," al-Saadi said in a statement.
Labels: Abdel Aziz al-Hakim, Hamid al-Saadi, Liwa Sumaysim, Moqtada Al-Sadr, SIIC
Friday, October 05, 2007
Calls grow for partition of Iraq
Politics
(The Guardian) - After months of gruelling work, including major counter-insurgency operations in June, US commanders in Iraq have growing reason to believe the controversial "surge" policy is working. But as the military gets a grip, the effectiveness and cohesion of the civilian-led, Shia-dominated government in Baghdad slips by the day. That is renewing talk of partition.
US officials say the number of Iraqi civilians and American soldiers killed in September was lower than at any time since January 2006. The overall trend has been downwards for four months. Lieutenant-general Raymond Odierno, the US deputy commander, said this week that al-Qaida bases and safe havens had been reduced by 60-70% since the surge began. Other contributory factors include increased cooperation from Sunni Arab tribesmen across central Iraq. Up to 30,000 Sunnis have reportedly volunteered to help US and Iraqi-government forces secure their neighbourhoods.
After months of bitter US complaints that Iran's Revolutionary Guard was aiding Shia militias and arming renegade Sunnis linked to al-Qaida, Tehran may be backing off. Gen Odierno said the supply of weapons from Iran grew dramatically from April to July, in support of a summer offensive by insurgents.
But after a deal made with Tehran last month by Iraq's Shia prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, the flow is slowing. Sadly for the overall US strategy, political progress is not keeping pace. Mr Maliki's coalition government looks weaker than ever, unable to command a working parliamentary majority, or to pass key reconciliation measures. Seventeen ministries are without a minister and much central government funding remains frozen in the ruins of a collapsed bureaucracy.
Sensing division among Shias and reduced commitment from the Kurds, Sunni Arab and secular parties are threatening a no-confidence vote. US congressional criticism is mounting too. "There was just no sense of urgency on the part of the prime minister to drive the overarching goal that will help cement and solidify Iraq as a united country," said Republican senator Olympia Snowe after visiting Baghdad.
US officials, including President Bush, are leaning hard on Mr Maliki. But ironically, their success in thwarting Democrat attempts to impose a withdrawal timetable, plus the surge's recent advances, may have eased the immediate pressure on him. And if Mr Maliki were to fall, neither Washington nor Iraq's squabbling factions would easily find a viable alternative.
The impotence of the Baghdad government, and the willingness of tribal chiefs and provincial and municipal-level leaders to take charge of their security, budgets and social programmes, is encouraging talk of partition - or at least devolution of power beyond that envisaged in Iraq's federal constitution.
Independence-minded Kurdistan, in northern Iraq, is already going its own way. The Kurdish regional government recently signed five unilateral oil exploration deals, to fury in both Baghdad and Washington.
In the south, Mr Maliki's key Shia backer, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, wants the nine majority-Shia southern provinces to join what could effectively become a state within a state. Its existential power struggle with Moqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi army, sworn opponent of Mr Maliki and the Americans, is increasingly distracting its attention from "national" priorities.
This has not gone unnoticed among US legislators and policymakers such as Democrat senator Joe Biden, who have long argued for Bosnia style, ethnically based partition. Mr Biden won Senate approval last week for a non-binding measure urging Iraq's division into Sunni, Shia and Kurd regions.
"Attempts to partition or divide Iraq by intimidation, force or other means would produce extraordinary suffering and bloodshed," the US government said. But many reply that, despite the surge's recent successes, extraordinary suffering is what Iraq has already got; and the illusion of central control cannot be sustained much longer.
US officials say the number of Iraqi civilians and American soldiers killed in September was lower than at any time since January 2006. The overall trend has been downwards for four months. Lieutenant-general Raymond Odierno, the US deputy commander, said this week that al-Qaida bases and safe havens had been reduced by 60-70% since the surge began. Other contributory factors include increased cooperation from Sunni Arab tribesmen across central Iraq. Up to 30,000 Sunnis have reportedly volunteered to help US and Iraqi-government forces secure their neighbourhoods.
After months of bitter US complaints that Iran's Revolutionary Guard was aiding Shia militias and arming renegade Sunnis linked to al-Qaida, Tehran may be backing off. Gen Odierno said the supply of weapons from Iran grew dramatically from April to July, in support of a summer offensive by insurgents.
But after a deal made with Tehran last month by Iraq's Shia prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, the flow is slowing. Sadly for the overall US strategy, political progress is not keeping pace. Mr Maliki's coalition government looks weaker than ever, unable to command a working parliamentary majority, or to pass key reconciliation measures. Seventeen ministries are without a minister and much central government funding remains frozen in the ruins of a collapsed bureaucracy.
Sensing division among Shias and reduced commitment from the Kurds, Sunni Arab and secular parties are threatening a no-confidence vote. US congressional criticism is mounting too. "There was just no sense of urgency on the part of the prime minister to drive the overarching goal that will help cement and solidify Iraq as a united country," said Republican senator Olympia Snowe after visiting Baghdad.
US officials, including President Bush, are leaning hard on Mr Maliki. But ironically, their success in thwarting Democrat attempts to impose a withdrawal timetable, plus the surge's recent advances, may have eased the immediate pressure on him. And if Mr Maliki were to fall, neither Washington nor Iraq's squabbling factions would easily find a viable alternative.
The impotence of the Baghdad government, and the willingness of tribal chiefs and provincial and municipal-level leaders to take charge of their security, budgets and social programmes, is encouraging talk of partition - or at least devolution of power beyond that envisaged in Iraq's federal constitution.
Independence-minded Kurdistan, in northern Iraq, is already going its own way. The Kurdish regional government recently signed five unilateral oil exploration deals, to fury in both Baghdad and Washington.
In the south, Mr Maliki's key Shia backer, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, wants the nine majority-Shia southern provinces to join what could effectively become a state within a state. Its existential power struggle with Moqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi army, sworn opponent of Mr Maliki and the Americans, is increasingly distracting its attention from "national" priorities.
This has not gone unnoticed among US legislators and policymakers such as Democrat senator Joe Biden, who have long argued for Bosnia style, ethnically based partition. Mr Biden won Senate approval last week for a non-binding measure urging Iraq's division into Sunni, Shia and Kurd regions.
"Attempts to partition or divide Iraq by intimidation, force or other means would produce extraordinary suffering and bloodshed," the US government said. But many reply that, despite the surge's recent successes, extraordinary suffering is what Iraq has already got; and the illusion of central control cannot be sustained much longer.
Labels: Iraq, Kurdistan, Moqtada Al-Sadr, partition, SIIC, southern Iraq
Thursday, October 04, 2007
Key SIIC leader in Diwaniyah killed
Security
(Voices of Iraq) - A key leader from the Shiite Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) was killed in the predominantly Shiite province of Diwaniya, a local official said on Wednesday. "Unknown gunmen attacked, on Tuesday evening, Ali Husssein al-Zamli outside his house in Efak district, 30 km southeast of Diwaniya, killing him instantly," Hussein al-Budairi, head of the provincial council's security committee, told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI).
Al-Budairi added that al-Zamli is a key leader of SIIC in Diwaniya and a member of Efak district local council. "Police forces were sent to Efak district following the incident and laid a cordon on a nearby orchard in search for the perpetuators," the local official said. Diwaniya, 180 km south of Baghdad, have been a scene of assassinations that targeted political and religious leaders in the province.
Al-Budairi added that al-Zamli is a key leader of SIIC in Diwaniya and a member of Efak district local council. "Police forces were sent to Efak district following the incident and laid a cordon on a nearby orchard in search for the perpetuators," the local official said. Diwaniya, 180 km south of Baghdad, have been a scene of assassinations that targeted political and religious leaders in the province.
Labels: Ali Husssein al-Zamli, Diwaniyah, Efak district, SIIC
Tuesday, September 18, 2007
Quartet alliance want Fadhela Party
Politics
(Voices of Iraq) - A member of parliament from the Islamic Fadhlia (Virtue) party said on Monday that senior Iraqi officials have voiced “desire” for the party to enter the four-way alliance, while some Shiite officials are trying to convince the party to return to the Unified Iraqi Coalition (UIC). “The Quartet coalition has a desire for us to join, but we have not received an official invitation in this regard so far,” Basem Sharief told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI).
The Islamic Daawa Party, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), and the two main Kurdish parties formed a four-way alliance in mid-August that they claim aims at backing the current Iraqi government following the withdrawal of some political blocs from the cabinet.
Regarding the withdrawal of the Sadrist bloc and the Fadhila party of the UIC, the parliamentarian said “The two have the desire to continue negotiations to agree on a project that serves the national interest.” The spokesman for the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's movement announced on Saturday the withdrawal of the Sadrist parliamentary bloc from the Shiite Unified Iraqi Coalition. Six months ago, the Shiite Fadhila (Virtue) party, which holds 15 seats in the parliament, withdrew from the UIC.
The Islamic Daawa Party, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), and the two main Kurdish parties formed a four-way alliance in mid-August that they claim aims at backing the current Iraqi government following the withdrawal of some political blocs from the cabinet.
Regarding the withdrawal of the Sadrist bloc and the Fadhila party of the UIC, the parliamentarian said “The two have the desire to continue negotiations to agree on a project that serves the national interest.” The spokesman for the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's movement announced on Saturday the withdrawal of the Sadrist parliamentary bloc from the Shiite Unified Iraqi Coalition. Six months ago, the Shiite Fadhila (Virtue) party, which holds 15 seats in the parliament, withdrew from the UIC.
Labels: Basem Sharief, Dawa party, Fadhila Party, Kurdistan Coalition, SIIC, UIC
Wednesday, September 12, 2007
Iraqi politicians react positively to Petraeus' report
Politics
(Gulf News) - Most of the Iraqi political elite have expressed their relief at the long-awaited testimony of General David Petraeus and the American Ambassador in Baghdad Ryan Crocker to the US Congress debating Iraq's situation. Omar Abdul Sattar, a prominent leader in the Sunni Islamic Party of the Accordance Front, told Gulf News: "As for General Petraeus' testimony about the security situation in Iraq, the General managed to put the facts and he expressed them so accurately unlike Ambassador Crocker."
He added: "Americans, according to Petraeus, succeeded in the Sunni Al Anbar province and formed local leaders to fight Al Qaida and this is a significant security achievement and I think Americans will go ahead after the testimony to enhance the formation of a local leader policy to maintain security in Iraq."
The former Minster of Culture in the Kurdistan region, Sami Shorish close to Kurdistan President Massoud Barzani, told Gulf News: "Iraqi leaders, especially the Kurds, are very optimistic about the Petraeus-Crocker report unlike the Baker-Hamilton report particularly on what General Petraeus said about a significant improvement in the security situation in Baghdad and Al Anbar provinces." We were also optimistic about statements concerning the Syrian-Iranian threat (to Iraqi stability), he added.
Abu Akbar Al Saadi, a prominent leader in the Supreme Islamic Council led by Abdul Aziz Al Hakim, told Gulf News: "The report was balanced and General Petraeus was successful in determining the main factors to maintain the security situation and there are indeed security achievements on the ground, especially changing the Iraqi Sunni attitude against Al Qaida, besides Petraeus' remarks concerning Iran and Syria represent a conformist view with the Iraqi government because the neighbouring countries have an important role in sustaining security and stability in Iraq."
Notably most of Iraq's political elites are satisfied with the Petraeus testimony for two reasons, firstly his remarks about progress regarding the security situation, and secondly: his praise of the role of Iraqi security forces in addressing terrorism.
Hashim Al Hashimi, a leader in the Fadhila Party, told Gulf News: "I affirmed what General Petraeus mentioned about achieving security progress but what Ambassador Crocker said was confusing about the political situation."
Talal Al Saadi, a leader in the Shiite Sadr trend, told Gulf News: "The Petraeus-Crocker report does not mean anything to the trend. The important thing to us is to schedule the American troops' withdrawal from Iraq. As for the security situation in the Al Anbar Province, I think it is a fallacy because the Americans armed former members of Al Qaida to strike Al Qaida and this is a dangerous matter and will cause catastrophe to Iraq."
He added: "Americans, according to Petraeus, succeeded in the Sunni Al Anbar province and formed local leaders to fight Al Qaida and this is a significant security achievement and I think Americans will go ahead after the testimony to enhance the formation of a local leader policy to maintain security in Iraq."
The former Minster of Culture in the Kurdistan region, Sami Shorish close to Kurdistan President Massoud Barzani, told Gulf News: "Iraqi leaders, especially the Kurds, are very optimistic about the Petraeus-Crocker report unlike the Baker-Hamilton report particularly on what General Petraeus said about a significant improvement in the security situation in Baghdad and Al Anbar provinces." We were also optimistic about statements concerning the Syrian-Iranian threat (to Iraqi stability), he added.
Abu Akbar Al Saadi, a prominent leader in the Supreme Islamic Council led by Abdul Aziz Al Hakim, told Gulf News: "The report was balanced and General Petraeus was successful in determining the main factors to maintain the security situation and there are indeed security achievements on the ground, especially changing the Iraqi Sunni attitude against Al Qaida, besides Petraeus' remarks concerning Iran and Syria represent a conformist view with the Iraqi government because the neighbouring countries have an important role in sustaining security and stability in Iraq."
Notably most of Iraq's political elites are satisfied with the Petraeus testimony for two reasons, firstly his remarks about progress regarding the security situation, and secondly: his praise of the role of Iraqi security forces in addressing terrorism.
Hashim Al Hashimi, a leader in the Fadhila Party, told Gulf News: "I affirmed what General Petraeus mentioned about achieving security progress but what Ambassador Crocker said was confusing about the political situation."
Talal Al Saadi, a leader in the Shiite Sadr trend, told Gulf News: "The Petraeus-Crocker report does not mean anything to the trend. The important thing to us is to schedule the American troops' withdrawal from Iraq. As for the security situation in the Al Anbar Province, I think it is a fallacy because the Americans armed former members of Al Qaida to strike Al Qaida and this is a dangerous matter and will cause catastrophe to Iraq."
Labels: Abu Akbar Al Saadi, Fadhela party, General David Petraeus, Hashim Al Hashimi, Iraqi Accordance Front, Omar Abdul Sattar, Ryan Crocker, Sadr bloc, Sami Shorish, SIIC, Talal Al Saadi
Monday, September 03, 2007
Dawa and SIIC party officials in assassination attempts
Security, Politics
(Voices of Iraq) - An official of the Shiite Dawa, or call, Party survived an attempt on his life in al-Iskandariya district on Sunday while a member of the Shiite Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) was separately wounded in an assault, police said. "Hussein Hassan al-Tamimi, the director of Dawa Party in al-Iskandariya, (50 km) north of Hilla, escaped an assassination attempt by an explosive device near his home in the residential compound of Hittin," a security source in Babel, who requested not to have his name mentioned, told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI).
Tamimi, who is an officer in the Iraqi army in the rank of captain, survived the attack unscathed but his house was damaged, the source added. Meanwhile, the same source added, Muhammad Hussein al-Khafaji, a member of Shiite leader Abdul-Aziz al-Hakeem's SIIC, was attacked with clubs by a group of people. Khafaji was wounded and rushed to hospital, he said. The source did not give further details about the two incidents.
SIIC and Dawa Party offices in different Iraqi provinces came under attacks by unidentified gunmen in the aftermath of last week's bloody incidents in Karbala in which scores were killed and hundreds others wounded. Earlier in Babel on Sunday Brig. Abbas al-Juburi, the commander of the special Scorpion Force, survived an attempt on his life when three gunmen in a civilian vehicle showered his house with bullets, killing one civilian inside.
"Gunmen attacked Juburi's house in al-Karama neighborhood in central Hilla on Sunday morning and escaped, but 30 minutes later the house security guards chased the culprits' vehicle and managed to arrest them," a security source told VOI. "Arms and ammunition in the gunmen's possession were seized," he added.
The U.S.-funded Scorpion Force comprises more than 850 soldiers in five companies, two of them specialized in aerial landings. The contingent, whose commander Col. Sallam al-Maamouri was assassinated last year by an explosive device planted in his office, is assigned to raid gunmen hideouts, not only in Hilla but also in all Iraqi provinces.
The special force has taken part in operations to eliminate the extremist Jund al-Samaa, or Soldiers of Heaven, movement and settling the recent incidents in Karbala during the holy Shiite rituals of a pilgrimage called al-Ziyara al-Shaabaniya, or the mid-Shaaban visit, to celebrate the birth anniversary of the Messiah-like Imam al-Mahdi, the 12th holiest figure for Shiite Muslims.
Tamimi, who is an officer in the Iraqi army in the rank of captain, survived the attack unscathed but his house was damaged, the source added. Meanwhile, the same source added, Muhammad Hussein al-Khafaji, a member of Shiite leader Abdul-Aziz al-Hakeem's SIIC, was attacked with clubs by a group of people. Khafaji was wounded and rushed to hospital, he said. The source did not give further details about the two incidents.
SIIC and Dawa Party offices in different Iraqi provinces came under attacks by unidentified gunmen in the aftermath of last week's bloody incidents in Karbala in which scores were killed and hundreds others wounded. Earlier in Babel on Sunday Brig. Abbas al-Juburi, the commander of the special Scorpion Force, survived an attempt on his life when three gunmen in a civilian vehicle showered his house with bullets, killing one civilian inside.
"Gunmen attacked Juburi's house in al-Karama neighborhood in central Hilla on Sunday morning and escaped, but 30 minutes later the house security guards chased the culprits' vehicle and managed to arrest them," a security source told VOI. "Arms and ammunition in the gunmen's possession were seized," he added.
The U.S.-funded Scorpion Force comprises more than 850 soldiers in five companies, two of them specialized in aerial landings. The contingent, whose commander Col. Sallam al-Maamouri was assassinated last year by an explosive device planted in his office, is assigned to raid gunmen hideouts, not only in Hilla but also in all Iraqi provinces.
The special force has taken part in operations to eliminate the extremist Jund al-Samaa, or Soldiers of Heaven, movement and settling the recent incidents in Karbala during the holy Shiite rituals of a pilgrimage called al-Ziyara al-Shaabaniya, or the mid-Shaaban visit, to celebrate the birth anniversary of the Messiah-like Imam al-Mahdi, the 12th holiest figure for Shiite Muslims.
Labels: Brig. Abbas al-Juburi, Dawa party, Hussein Hassan al-Tamimi, Iskandariyah, Jund al-Samaa, Muhammad Hussein al-Khafaji, Scorpion Force, SIIC
Sunni and Shiite politicians meet at Iraq conference in Helsinki
International, Politics
(Voices of Iraq) - An official source from the Shiite Unified Iraqi Coalition said on Saturday that officials representing Sunni and Shiite political blocs along with independent figures met in Helsinki in a two-day conference on means to stop sectarian violence throughout the war-torn country.
"The conference that started on Friday in the Finnish capital was attended by many Iraqi figures, including the leading figure of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC) and State Minister for National Dialogue Affairs Akram al-Hakim, Head of the National Dialogue Front Saleh al-Mutlak, and the leading figure of the Dawa Party Waleed al-Hilli," the source, who spoke on anonymity condition, told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI).
The source added "the participants are expected to discuss during the two-day-conference a number of experiences that might help establishing peace in Iraq, experiments practiced in states like South Africa and North Ireland." Media reports earlier indicated that representatives from the Sunni Accordance Front, the Shiite Sadr movement, SIIC and Dawa party took part in the conference.
A leading figure from the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's movement denied the Sadrists' attendance of the conference. "The Sadr movement is not aware of this conference and no invitation was sent to the movement on attending the conference," Salah al-Obeidi told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI). Adnan al-Dulaimi, Head of the Accordance Front, told VOI "I was not informed of the conference and no invitation was made to us to attend it."
The official from the Unified Iraqi Coalition noted that "the conference was scheduled to be larger in scope but the absence of the good preparation and the short time caused many Shiite and Sunni figures not to attend." "The conference was organized by a Finnish non-governmental organization interested in peace and crises and the Finnish authorities have no connection to the conference," the unnamed official added.
"The conference that started on Friday in the Finnish capital was attended by many Iraqi figures, including the leading figure of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC) and State Minister for National Dialogue Affairs Akram al-Hakim, Head of the National Dialogue Front Saleh al-Mutlak, and the leading figure of the Dawa Party Waleed al-Hilli," the source, who spoke on anonymity condition, told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI).
The source added "the participants are expected to discuss during the two-day-conference a number of experiences that might help establishing peace in Iraq, experiments practiced in states like South Africa and North Ireland." Media reports earlier indicated that representatives from the Sunni Accordance Front, the Shiite Sadr movement, SIIC and Dawa party took part in the conference.
A leading figure from the Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's movement denied the Sadrists' attendance of the conference. "The Sadr movement is not aware of this conference and no invitation was sent to the movement on attending the conference," Salah al-Obeidi told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI). Adnan al-Dulaimi, Head of the Accordance Front, told VOI "I was not informed of the conference and no invitation was made to us to attend it."
The official from the Unified Iraqi Coalition noted that "the conference was scheduled to be larger in scope but the absence of the good preparation and the short time caused many Shiite and Sunni figures not to attend." "The conference was organized by a Finnish non-governmental organization interested in peace and crises and the Finnish authorities have no connection to the conference," the unnamed official added.
Labels: Adnan al-Dulaimi, Akram al-Hakim, Finland, Iraq, Sadrists, Saleh al-Mutlak, SIIC, Unified Iraqi Coalition, Waleed al-Hilli
Al-Sadr aide - Mahdi Army freeze could end if arrests and raids don't stop
Security
(AP) -- Muqtada al-Sadr's surprise decision to stand down his Mahdi Army for up to six months was designed to stop a Shiite-Shiite rift from spiraling out of control and to weed out infiltrators in his militia's ranks, according to aides of the radical Shiite cleric. Al-Sadr issued his surprise declaration last Wednesday following two days of deadly clashes in the holy city of Karbala between his Mahdi Army and the rival Badr militia of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council, the country's largest Shiite party and a U.S. partner.
Involvement in inter-Shiite fighting has hurt the image of al-Sadr and his Mahdi Army, chipping away at the young cleric's reputation as an uncompromising nationalist leader seeking to restore Iraq's full sovereignty and undermining his bid to become a national leader. Al-Sadr also realizes that a full-fledged fight against Badr and the Iraqi security forces is likely to draw the Americans into battle, threatening his Mahdi Army with a rout similar to that of 2004 when thousands of his militiamen were killed.
For all those reasons, it was better for al-Sadr to take a principled stand for Shiite unity and suspend his militia's activities - at least for the time being. To promote unity, it is better to blame the Americans than rivals in the Shiite community. Sheik Salman al-Feraiji, al-Sadr's chief representative in Baghdad's Sadr City district, said the suspension was meant to foil an "American plot" to sow division within Iraq's majority Shiites.
"They drove a wedge between Shiites and Sunnis and now they want a Shiite-Shiite rift," al-Feraiji said as he sat late Saturday in a large tent to receive condolences for the Karbala victims. Sheik Salah al-Obeidi, al-Sadr's spokesman in Najaf, also said the suspension was aimed at preventing rifts among Shiites, which exploded in Karbala. Al-Obeidi said the freeze would allow time to rid the Mahdi Army of "groups working for foreign security agencies." He did not elaborate. "These groups deliberately left traces that led back to the Mahdi Army. We do not want what happened in Karbala to spread to the rest of the country," he said.
In announcing his decision, al-Sadr did not say explicitly whether his fighters would suspend attacks on Americans. Some aides said they would halt such attacks, but others disputed that interpretation of the order.
Al-Sadr's anti-American policies have kept his movement together as a nationalist force, unlike most other Shiite parties that are closely tied to Washington. To maintain that nationalist stand, al-Sadr apparently avoided an explicit, public ban on attacking U.S. and other foreign troops.
A firebrand who burst on the political scene in 2003, al-Sadr has a track record of making ambivalent statements or leaving out key details. Sometimes that has been interpreted as a sign of his movement's lack of a comprehensive political vision. In some cases, it has been seen as a deliberate bid to give him leeway to change policies. However, in the four days since he made his announcement, Mahdi Army militiamen have been lying low and the number of bodies of sectarian violence victims - often blamed on the militia - has dramatically dropped.
The U.S. military welcomed al-Sadr's move. But it appears the U.S. has no plans to reciprocate, continuing raids to capture suspected Mahdi militants that American commanders say are linked to Iran or involved in sectarian violence. The raids led to a stern warning late Saturday by one of al-Sadr's prominent lawmakers, Bahaa al-Araji, who told Alhurra television that the "freeze" could end "within a day or two" if the raids and arrests did not stop.
Involvement in inter-Shiite fighting has hurt the image of al-Sadr and his Mahdi Army, chipping away at the young cleric's reputation as an uncompromising nationalist leader seeking to restore Iraq's full sovereignty and undermining his bid to become a national leader. Al-Sadr also realizes that a full-fledged fight against Badr and the Iraqi security forces is likely to draw the Americans into battle, threatening his Mahdi Army with a rout similar to that of 2004 when thousands of his militiamen were killed.
For all those reasons, it was better for al-Sadr to take a principled stand for Shiite unity and suspend his militia's activities - at least for the time being. To promote unity, it is better to blame the Americans than rivals in the Shiite community. Sheik Salman al-Feraiji, al-Sadr's chief representative in Baghdad's Sadr City district, said the suspension was meant to foil an "American plot" to sow division within Iraq's majority Shiites.
"They drove a wedge between Shiites and Sunnis and now they want a Shiite-Shiite rift," al-Feraiji said as he sat late Saturday in a large tent to receive condolences for the Karbala victims. Sheik Salah al-Obeidi, al-Sadr's spokesman in Najaf, also said the suspension was aimed at preventing rifts among Shiites, which exploded in Karbala. Al-Obeidi said the freeze would allow time to rid the Mahdi Army of "groups working for foreign security agencies." He did not elaborate. "These groups deliberately left traces that led back to the Mahdi Army. We do not want what happened in Karbala to spread to the rest of the country," he said.
In announcing his decision, al-Sadr did not say explicitly whether his fighters would suspend attacks on Americans. Some aides said they would halt such attacks, but others disputed that interpretation of the order.
Al-Sadr's anti-American policies have kept his movement together as a nationalist force, unlike most other Shiite parties that are closely tied to Washington. To maintain that nationalist stand, al-Sadr apparently avoided an explicit, public ban on attacking U.S. and other foreign troops.
A firebrand who burst on the political scene in 2003, al-Sadr has a track record of making ambivalent statements or leaving out key details. Sometimes that has been interpreted as a sign of his movement's lack of a comprehensive political vision. In some cases, it has been seen as a deliberate bid to give him leeway to change policies. However, in the four days since he made his announcement, Mahdi Army militiamen have been lying low and the number of bodies of sectarian violence victims - often blamed on the militia - has dramatically dropped.
The U.S. military welcomed al-Sadr's move. But it appears the U.S. has no plans to reciprocate, continuing raids to capture suspected Mahdi militants that American commanders say are linked to Iran or involved in sectarian violence. The raids led to a stern warning late Saturday by one of al-Sadr's prominent lawmakers, Bahaa al-Araji, who told Alhurra television that the "freeze" could end "within a day or two" if the raids and arrests did not stop.
Labels: Badr Corps, Bahaa Al-Araji, Mahdi Army, Moqtada Al-Sadr, Sheik Salah al-Obeidi, Sheik Salman al-Feraiji, SIIC
Thursday, August 30, 2007
Al-Sadr calls for halt to attacks on other party offices
Politics, Security
(Voices of Iraq) - In a statement released on Wednesday, Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr urged his followers not to target the offices of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) and to protect the headquarters of all political parties. "We call on all Sadrists to observe self-restraint, to help security forces control the situation and arrest the perpetrators and sedition mongers, and urge them to end all forms of armament in the sacred city," according to the statement that was read out by al-Sadr's top aide Hazem al-Araji in the holy city of Najaf.
"We call on Sadrists not to target the offices of political parties all over Iraq and the SIIC's offices in Sadr city in particular," the statement indicated. The statement comes after five SIIC's offices in Baghdad and Babel were attacked and burnt in the past two days. The SIIC is led by Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, who is also the head of the Shiite Unified Iraqi Coalition (UIC), the largest parliamentary bloc with a total of 113 seats in the 275-member parliament. Najaf is located 180 km south of Baghdad.
"We call on Sadrists not to target the offices of political parties all over Iraq and the SIIC's offices in Sadr city in particular," the statement indicated. The statement comes after five SIIC's offices in Baghdad and Babel were attacked and burnt in the past two days. The SIIC is led by Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, who is also the head of the Shiite Unified Iraqi Coalition (UIC), the largest parliamentary bloc with a total of 113 seats in the 275-member parliament. Najaf is located 180 km south of Baghdad.
Labels: Hazem al-Araji, Moqtada Al-Sadr, SIIC, Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council
Wednesday, August 29, 2007
52 dead in Karbala as rival Shiite militias battle for power
Security
(Al Jazeera) - Nuri al-Maliki, Iraq's prime minister, has ordered an indefinite curfew in Karbala, Iraqi state TV says, a day after fighting left at least 52 people dead during an annual Shia pilgrimage. A spokesman for al-Maliki said on Wednesday that he had arrived in Karbala to inspect the situation. Al-Maliki said on Wednesday that his troops had restored calm to the city and blamed "outlawed armed criminal gangs from the remnants of the buried Saddam regime" for the violence.
However, the violence among rival Shia factions appeared to have spread overnight. Fighters attacked the offices of a powerful Shia party in at least five cities, setting many of them ablaze. In a separate incident on Wednesday in Mosul to the north, armed men raided an Iraqi police checkpoint on Wednesday and killed five policemen and a civilian, police said.
Al-Maliki, in a statement on Wednesday, said: "The situation in Karbala is under control after military reinforcements arrived and police and military special forces have spread throughout the city to purge those killers and criminals." Sporadic and occasionally sustained gunfire could still be heard after dawn in the city, coming from the area around the shrines of Imam Hussein and Imam Abbas.
The fighting killed 52 people and wounded 206 on Tuesday, a senior security official in Baghdad said. The general director of the al-Hussein hospital in Karbala, 110km south of the capital, said it had received 34 bodies and treated 239 wounded. Ali Kadhum, an official at the shrines' media office, said the two shrines had been slightly damaged, with bullets hitting their domes and minarets and an electric power station ruined.
Hundreds of thousands of pilgrims had gathered in the city to mark the birthday of the 12th and last Shia imam. The interior ministry accused al-Mahdi army, a militia loyal to Muqtada al-Sadr, the Shia leader, of attacking government forces in Karbala, the site of two shrines under the control of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC). Al-Sadr's forces are vying with the SIIC for power in the regions south of Baghdad.
Al-Sadr called for calm on Tuesday night but police said SIIC buildings were torched overnight in Baghdad's Kadhimiya neighbourhood, in the city of Kufa, in Iskandariya and in al-Hamza district of Babil province. Another SIIC headquarters was struck by rocket-propelled grenades in the centre of Najaf.
This week's Shia pilgrimage was to have reached its high point on Tuesday night and Wednesday morning. Thousands thronged the city to mark the12th imam's birthday. Pilgrims had earlier complained about the level of security - which they said was so high it made movement frustratingly slow near the Imam al-Hussein mosque. Security was high as pilgrims have been killed in previous years by suicide bombers.
Major-General Abdul-Karim Khalaf, a spokesman for the interior ministry, said al-Maliki had dispatched more troops to the area from Baghdad and the surrounding areas. Khalaf described the armed men as "criminals" and said that the curfew was imposed because of fears for the large mass of pilgrims. He said: "The situation now is under control, but what is worrying is that the pilgrims are in huge numbers."
However, the violence among rival Shia factions appeared to have spread overnight. Fighters attacked the offices of a powerful Shia party in at least five cities, setting many of them ablaze. In a separate incident on Wednesday in Mosul to the north, armed men raided an Iraqi police checkpoint on Wednesday and killed five policemen and a civilian, police said.
Al-Maliki, in a statement on Wednesday, said: "The situation in Karbala is under control after military reinforcements arrived and police and military special forces have spread throughout the city to purge those killers and criminals." Sporadic and occasionally sustained gunfire could still be heard after dawn in the city, coming from the area around the shrines of Imam Hussein and Imam Abbas.
The fighting killed 52 people and wounded 206 on Tuesday, a senior security official in Baghdad said. The general director of the al-Hussein hospital in Karbala, 110km south of the capital, said it had received 34 bodies and treated 239 wounded. Ali Kadhum, an official at the shrines' media office, said the two shrines had been slightly damaged, with bullets hitting their domes and minarets and an electric power station ruined.
Hundreds of thousands of pilgrims had gathered in the city to mark the birthday of the 12th and last Shia imam. The interior ministry accused al-Mahdi army, a militia loyal to Muqtada al-Sadr, the Shia leader, of attacking government forces in Karbala, the site of two shrines under the control of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC). Al-Sadr's forces are vying with the SIIC for power in the regions south of Baghdad.
Al-Sadr called for calm on Tuesday night but police said SIIC buildings were torched overnight in Baghdad's Kadhimiya neighbourhood, in the city of Kufa, in Iskandariya and in al-Hamza district of Babil province. Another SIIC headquarters was struck by rocket-propelled grenades in the centre of Najaf.
This week's Shia pilgrimage was to have reached its high point on Tuesday night and Wednesday morning. Thousands thronged the city to mark the12th imam's birthday. Pilgrims had earlier complained about the level of security - which they said was so high it made movement frustratingly slow near the Imam al-Hussein mosque. Security was high as pilgrims have been killed in previous years by suicide bombers.
Major-General Abdul-Karim Khalaf, a spokesman for the interior ministry, said al-Maliki had dispatched more troops to the area from Baghdad and the surrounding areas. Khalaf described the armed men as "criminals" and said that the curfew was imposed because of fears for the large mass of pilgrims. He said: "The situation now is under control, but what is worrying is that the pilgrims are in huge numbers."
COMMENT: Tensions are high in southern Iraq as the Mahdi Army and the Badr Organisation (the militia arm of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council - SIIC) fight for power. These tensions could easily escalate. Several issues have added to the hostilities between the rival groups; the recent assassinations of two SIIC governors, and the power vacuum left in Basrah as the British have decreased their presence. The security forces in karbala are also heavily infiltrated by the Badr Organisation. COMMENT ENDS.
Labels: Badr Organisation, curfew, Karbala, Mahdi Army, Major-General Abdul-Karim Khalaf, Moqtada Al-Sadr, Nouri Al-Maliki, Sha'abaniya, Shiite pilgrims, SIIC
Wednesday, August 22, 2007
Quds press - Mahdi Army threatened Governor of Muthanna
Security
(Quds Press) - Following the assassination of Governor al-Hassani, a curfew was imposed on al-Muthanna Province. Muhammad ‘Ali al-Hassani had served the American occupation as “Governor” of al-Muthanna Province since October 2003. He was a leader of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council (SIIC).
In a dispatch posted on its website Monday, Quds Press reported that al-Hassani took a strong stand against the rival Shi‘i sectarian Jaysh al-Mahdi militia, helping US forces to crack down on the followers of sectarian cleric Muqtada as-Sadr a little over two months ago. With the help of al-Hassani dozens of Jaysh al-Mahdi gunmen were arrested as were numerous employees of the Muqtada as-Sadr office in the city.
Sources in as-Samawah told Quds Press that members of the puppet security forces (many of whom are simultaneously members of either the Jaysh al-Mahdi or the Badr Brigades) were believed to have been involved in the assassination.
Quds Press reported that the Jaysh al-Mahdi had been circulating leaflets in al-Muthanna Province threatening the puppet governor and members of the city council, blaming them for the arrests of the Jaysh al-Mahdi members earlier in the year.
Observers quoted by Quds Press said that the whole of southern Iraq was likely to ignite in a large scale turf war between rival Shi‘i fundamentalist sectarian militias as they battle for control of that part of the country as Britain and the US reduce their presence in the area.
Sources in as-Samawah told Quds Press that members of the puppet security forces (many of whom are simultaneously members of either the Jaysh al-Mahdi or the Badr Brigades) were believed to have been involved in the assassination.
Quds Press reported that the Jaysh al-Mahdi had been circulating leaflets in al-Muthanna Province threatening the puppet governor and members of the city council, blaming them for the arrests of the Jaysh al-Mahdi members earlier in the year.
Observers quoted by Quds Press said that the whole of southern Iraq was likely to ignite in a large scale turf war between rival Shi‘i fundamentalist sectarian militias as they battle for control of that part of the country as Britain and the US reduce their presence in the area.
As-Samawah and ad-Diwaniyah have witnessed intermittent clashes between the Jaysh al-Mahdi and Badr Brigades in recent days following the assassination of the puppet governor of ad-Diwaniyah. Jalil Hamzah, the puppet regime’s chief administrator in ad-Diwaniyah died in the explosion of a device identical to that which killed al-Hassani on Monday – a type of explosive device that is said to be made in Iran.
Labels: Badr Organisation, Jaysh al-Mahdi, Mahdi Army, Muhammad ‘Ali al-Hassani, Muthanna province, Samawa, SIIC
Tuesday, August 21, 2007
Al-Sadr's office denies responsibility for governors assassinations
Security, Politics
(AP) - Muqtada al-Sadr's office on Tuesday condemned the assassinations of two southern provincial governors in an apparent bid by the radical Shiite cleric to distance himself from a brutal contest among rival Shiite militias for control of some of Iraq's main oil regions.
Iraqi police had blamed Monday's roadside bombing that killed the governor of the vast Muthanna province on the powerful Mahdi Army, which is nominally loyal to al-Sadr but has seen factions splinter away over frustration with U.S. raids targeting the militia that has been blamed for much of the sectarian violence in recent months.
The attacks that killed Gov. Mohammed Ali al-Hassani and his colleague Gov. Khalil Jalil Hamza in neighboring Qadasiyah province nine days earlier raised fears that showdowns in southern Iraq — pitting Mahdi groups against the mainstream Shiite group in parliament — could intensify as the British forces overseeing the south gradually withdraw in the coming months.
Both governors were members of a powerhouse among Shiite political organizations, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, or SIIC, led by Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim. His loyalists, who dominate the police in the south of Iraq, have been fighting Mahdi Army militiamen for dominance in the south — which may hold 70 percent or more of Iraq's oil reserves, according to various estimates.
The reclusive cleric issued a statement late Monday praising efforts against the foreign forces but condemning the attacks against the Shiite governors, which he said were aimed at creating a rift among Iraq's majority Islamic sect. "The cruel deeds that have been done in Diwaniyah and Samawah are part of occupation plots that aim to create a climate of pretexts for them to stay in Iraq," al-Sadr said, using the term occupation to refer to U.S.-led forces.
He also called for committees comprising political and social authorities to be established under religious supervision in each of Iraq's 18 provinces "so that these events would not repeated in the south or in any part of Iraq." Al-Sadr also renewed his demand for a timetable to be set for the withdrawal of the U.S.-led troops. His office in the Shiite holy city of Najaf, 160 kilometers (100 miles) south of Baghdad, was more direct in its denial.
"We don't have any relation with these acts or have any involvement, we condemn such acts that aim at destabilizing the situation in the center and southern Iraq," al-Sadr's spokesman Ahmed al-Shibani said Tueday.
Just a few months ago, the Mahdi Army and its leader, firebrand cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, were seen as reluctant — but critical — partners with Iraq's leadership. Al-Sadr agreed to government appeals to lessen his anti-American fervor and not directly challenge the waves of U.S. soldiers trying to regain control of Baghdad and surrounding areas.
But now, the once-cohesive ranks of the Mahdi Army are splintering into rival factions with widely varying priorities.
Iraqi police had blamed Monday's roadside bombing that killed the governor of the vast Muthanna province on the powerful Mahdi Army, which is nominally loyal to al-Sadr but has seen factions splinter away over frustration with U.S. raids targeting the militia that has been blamed for much of the sectarian violence in recent months.
The attacks that killed Gov. Mohammed Ali al-Hassani and his colleague Gov. Khalil Jalil Hamza in neighboring Qadasiyah province nine days earlier raised fears that showdowns in southern Iraq — pitting Mahdi groups against the mainstream Shiite group in parliament — could intensify as the British forces overseeing the south gradually withdraw in the coming months.
Both governors were members of a powerhouse among Shiite political organizations, the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, or SIIC, led by Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim. His loyalists, who dominate the police in the south of Iraq, have been fighting Mahdi Army militiamen for dominance in the south — which may hold 70 percent or more of Iraq's oil reserves, according to various estimates.
The reclusive cleric issued a statement late Monday praising efforts against the foreign forces but condemning the attacks against the Shiite governors, which he said were aimed at creating a rift among Iraq's majority Islamic sect. "The cruel deeds that have been done in Diwaniyah and Samawah are part of occupation plots that aim to create a climate of pretexts for them to stay in Iraq," al-Sadr said, using the term occupation to refer to U.S.-led forces.
He also called for committees comprising political and social authorities to be established under religious supervision in each of Iraq's 18 provinces "so that these events would not repeated in the south or in any part of Iraq." Al-Sadr also renewed his demand for a timetable to be set for the withdrawal of the U.S.-led troops. His office in the Shiite holy city of Najaf, 160 kilometers (100 miles) south of Baghdad, was more direct in its denial.
"We don't have any relation with these acts or have any involvement, we condemn such acts that aim at destabilizing the situation in the center and southern Iraq," al-Sadr's spokesman Ahmed al-Shibani said Tueday.
Just a few months ago, the Mahdi Army and its leader, firebrand cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, were seen as reluctant — but critical — partners with Iraq's leadership. Al-Sadr agreed to government appeals to lessen his anti-American fervor and not directly challenge the waves of U.S. soldiers trying to regain control of Baghdad and surrounding areas.
But now, the once-cohesive ranks of the Mahdi Army are splintering into rival factions with widely varying priorities.
Labels: Mahdi Army, Mohammed Ali al-Hassani, Moqtada Al-Sadr, Muthanna province, SIIC
Friday, August 17, 2007
Four major political parties sign agreement to revive Iraqi political process as Sunni party leader warns of setting up "counter coalitions"
Politics
(Voices of Iraq) - A leading figure from the Sunni Islamic Party expressed on Thursday reservation over a new Kurdish-Shiite alliance that announced earlier today in Baghdad, warning of setting up what he described as "counter coalitions." "We, the Islamic Party, express our reservation on the new alliance and we see that it is too early to confirm whether it will work out or not," Omar Abdul Sattar told the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI) by telephone.
The politician said "yesterday (Wednesday) we had a meeting with the two Kurdish parties (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and Kurdistan Democratic Party) to discuss the political situation and the possible means to rescue the country from the current impasse and we told them the time is premature to form such an alliance."
The leading figure whose party is a main component of the Sunni Accordance Front said "We were in need of many steps to take and more common visions to share before we could reach the compromise of a six-way alliance that would also include (former Iraqi PM) Allawi's Iraqi National List and the Islamic party, but the differences caused the alliance to be announced by four components only."
"The new alliance may lead to the formation of new counter-coalitions, which I expect will cause more deterioration in the country," said Abdul Sattar noting that "we could not correct a mistake by committing another one." Abdul Sattar, who declined to reply to a question by VOI as to whether the new alliance was meant to declare a parliamentary majority's government if Accordance ministers who quit the cabinet refused to return, commented "it is a step towards prolonging the life of al-Maliki's government."
The politician said "yesterday (Wednesday) we had a meeting with the two Kurdish parties (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and Kurdistan Democratic Party) to discuss the political situation and the possible means to rescue the country from the current impasse and we told them the time is premature to form such an alliance."
The leading figure whose party is a main component of the Sunni Accordance Front said "We were in need of many steps to take and more common visions to share before we could reach the compromise of a six-way alliance that would also include (former Iraqi PM) Allawi's Iraqi National List and the Islamic party, but the differences caused the alliance to be announced by four components only."
"The new alliance may lead to the formation of new counter-coalitions, which I expect will cause more deterioration in the country," said Abdul Sattar noting that "we could not correct a mistake by committing another one." Abdul Sattar, who declined to reply to a question by VOI as to whether the new alliance was meant to declare a parliamentary majority's government if Accordance ministers who quit the cabinet refused to return, commented "it is a step towards prolonging the life of al-Maliki's government."
Four major Iraqi political parties signed on Thursday an agreement, aired by al-Iraqiya satellite television, to revive the political process in Iraq. The agreement was signed by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the Islamic Daawa party and the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC). The four parties were represented by President Jalal Talabani, President of Kurdistan region Massoud Barazani, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and Vice President Adel Abdul Mahdi.
President Talabani refused to use the word “quartet” or “moderates’ bloc,” noting that they had signed an initiative to revive the political process. “We cannot call it a bloc, but rather an agreement between four parties committed to former agreements for reviving the political process,” Talabani said in a press conference attended by Nouri al-Maliki, Barazani and Abdul Mahdi.
“We tried to made contact with the Iraqi Islamic Party in an attempt to involve it in the agreement, but it said that the circumstances were not appropriate,” he added. “The bloc consists of four parties now but it is open for all parties to take part in it,” Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki said. “We will try to revive the stagnant political process; we will not accept it to be hampered. The agreement is not a replacement of the political blocs, the door is open for all to participate,” the premier explained.
President Talabani refused to use the word “quartet” or “moderates’ bloc,” noting that they had signed an initiative to revive the political process. “We cannot call it a bloc, but rather an agreement between four parties committed to former agreements for reviving the political process,” Talabani said in a press conference attended by Nouri al-Maliki, Barazani and Abdul Mahdi.
“We tried to made contact with the Iraqi Islamic Party in an attempt to involve it in the agreement, but it said that the circumstances were not appropriate,” he added. “The bloc consists of four parties now but it is open for all parties to take part in it,” Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki said. “We will try to revive the stagnant political process; we will not accept it to be hampered. The agreement is not a replacement of the political blocs, the door is open for all to participate,” the premier explained.
Labels: Dawa party, Iraqi Islamic Party, KDP, Omar Abdul Sattar, PUK, SIIC
Tuesday, August 14, 2007
Militias fight for control of Basra
Security
(Azzaman) - The most powerful authority in Basra is not the British garrison where more than 5,000 British troops have withdrawn behind barbed wire and cement blocks. It is the Iranian consulate where major decisions regarding the city are taken. And it is not difficult to see who is in control of the city’s thoroughfares and residential quarters. The roundabouts, major squares and even some small streets and neighborhoods are decorated with portraits of Iranian religious and political leaders.
Basra is perhaps Iraq’s most important province from which most of the country’s oil production and exports originate. Within Basra’s provincial borders, the country’s most prolific oil fields are to be found. When bombs fall on the British garrison in the city or a British armored vehicle is knocked out, many of Basra residents celebrate with gunfire and shouts of joy.
The Brits have left a huge power vacuum in southern Iraq in the aftermath of their miscalculated adventure. Their influence does not exceed the few square miles of their only base in Basra. And the militias have rushed to fill in the vacuum, spreading their control over key establishments including oil installations and dividing the city into separate zones of influence.
The country’s three most influential Shiite factions have their own heavily armed militias. Though in bitter rivalry, they are almost unanimous in their tactics to inflict a humiliating defeat on Britain by forcing it to withdraw its troops. Many of Basra intellectuals and members of its once thriving religious minorities – such as Christians and Mandeans – have fled the city. The militias have their own rules and systems of governing which they impose on their subjects and areas.
Hameed Hussain who fled the city recently says the Iraqi police and army are not in control of the city. “Practically, the militias have the city under their sway.” An oil engineer, Ali Hatroush, who also fled the city in the past few weeks, says the British troops no longer have the power or capacity to “to rein in the militias.” “The fundamentalists are the ones who run the city. They have devised their own means and ways of how to control the people and the resources and liquidate those opposing them,” he said.
Abdulkareem Saleh, who used to work at Basra port, said he was sad to see how young people were lured to join the political factions advocating militancy. “The factions rely on religious slogans and high-ranking clergy to deceive the population. It is really disappointing to see how young Iraqis are being coaxed to join their murderous militias,” he said.
The rival factions are represented in the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Nonetheless they are the ones undermining official authority. For example, the Fadhila party which controls the administrations has 15 deputies in the parliament but has refused to disband its militias. Other groups like the Sadr bloc has 30 deputies and seven ministers in the cabinet but has strongly rejected calls to disarm its powerful military wing, the Mahdi Army. The other influential group the Supreme Council, a major partner in Maliki’s coalition government, is reported to have one the most heavily armed militias in the country.
Basra is perhaps Iraq’s most important province from which most of the country’s oil production and exports originate. Within Basra’s provincial borders, the country’s most prolific oil fields are to be found. When bombs fall on the British garrison in the city or a British armored vehicle is knocked out, many of Basra residents celebrate with gunfire and shouts of joy.
The Brits have left a huge power vacuum in southern Iraq in the aftermath of their miscalculated adventure. Their influence does not exceed the few square miles of their only base in Basra. And the militias have rushed to fill in the vacuum, spreading their control over key establishments including oil installations and dividing the city into separate zones of influence.
The country’s three most influential Shiite factions have their own heavily armed militias. Though in bitter rivalry, they are almost unanimous in their tactics to inflict a humiliating defeat on Britain by forcing it to withdraw its troops. Many of Basra intellectuals and members of its once thriving religious minorities – such as Christians and Mandeans – have fled the city. The militias have their own rules and systems of governing which they impose on their subjects and areas.
Hameed Hussain who fled the city recently says the Iraqi police and army are not in control of the city. “Practically, the militias have the city under their sway.” An oil engineer, Ali Hatroush, who also fled the city in the past few weeks, says the British troops no longer have the power or capacity to “to rein in the militias.” “The fundamentalists are the ones who run the city. They have devised their own means and ways of how to control the people and the resources and liquidate those opposing them,” he said.
Abdulkareem Saleh, who used to work at Basra port, said he was sad to see how young people were lured to join the political factions advocating militancy. “The factions rely on religious slogans and high-ranking clergy to deceive the population. It is really disappointing to see how young Iraqis are being coaxed to join their murderous militias,” he said.
The rival factions are represented in the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Nonetheless they are the ones undermining official authority. For example, the Fadhila party which controls the administrations has 15 deputies in the parliament but has refused to disband its militias. Other groups like the Sadr bloc has 30 deputies and seven ministers in the cabinet but has strongly rejected calls to disarm its powerful military wing, the Mahdi Army. The other influential group the Supreme Council, a major partner in Maliki’s coalition government, is reported to have one the most heavily armed militias in the country.
Labels: Basra, British troops, Fadhela party, Iranian consulate, Mahdi Army, militias, Sadr bloc, SIIC
Monday, August 13, 2007
Governor and police chief of Qadisiya killed
Security
(Al Jazeera) - Hundreds of mourners turned out to bury an assassinated provincial governor and chief of police on Sunday as the Iraqi prime minister ordered an investigation into their killings, which he called "a seditious act", and appealed for talks to end an ongoing cabinet crisis. Khalil Jalil Hamza, the governor, and Khalid Hassan, the police chief, of the southern province of Qadisiya were killed by a roadside bomb on Saturday as they headed back to Diwaniya, the provincial capital, from the funeral of a tribal sheikh. Both men were Shi’a.
Iraqi police and soldiers tightly surrounded the centre of the Shia city of Najaf, where the bodies were brought on Sunday for burial. Carrying Iraqi flags and posters of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the country's Shia cleric, the mourners set out from the Shia Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) offices joined by a number of officials. Police said on Sunday they had arrested two men, a commander of a force that protects infrastructure in Diwaniya, and his deputy, who were believed to have been near the site of the attack.
In Baghdad, the office of Nuri al-Maliki, Iraq's prime minister, mourned the passing of Hamza and Hassan and announced that an investigation into their deaths was under way. Jalal Talabani, Iraq's president, had described the attack as a "cowardly terrorist act" by Sunnis fighters who had been displaced by the current security crackdown by Iraqi and US forces. Talabani's office said: "They have committed a crime in a secure part of our country after they were besieged and kicked out of Anbar, Diyala and Samarra."
General David Petraeus, the US military commander, and Ryan Crocker, the US ambassador, issued a joint statement condemning the killings. But Diwaniya residents said on Sunday they feared all-out war among rival Shia factions after Saturday's assassinations. The SIIC and supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr, the anti-American Shia leader, are said by local residents to be targeting each other in an armed conflict mainly through assassinations. SIIC's armed wing, the Badr Organisation, controls the police who fight al-Sadr's al-Mahdi Army militia. The Shia-dominated south has become increasingly restless as factions vie for control of the oil-rich region, often pitting police loyal to one bloc against militiamen of others.
Iraqi police and soldiers tightly surrounded the centre of the Shia city of Najaf, where the bodies were brought on Sunday for burial. Carrying Iraqi flags and posters of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the country's Shia cleric, the mourners set out from the Shia Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC) offices joined by a number of officials. Police said on Sunday they had arrested two men, a commander of a force that protects infrastructure in Diwaniya, and his deputy, who were believed to have been near the site of the attack.
In Baghdad, the office of Nuri al-Maliki, Iraq's prime minister, mourned the passing of Hamza and Hassan and announced that an investigation into their deaths was under way. Jalal Talabani, Iraq's president, had described the attack as a "cowardly terrorist act" by Sunnis fighters who had been displaced by the current security crackdown by Iraqi and US forces. Talabani's office said: "They have committed a crime in a secure part of our country after they were besieged and kicked out of Anbar, Diyala and Samarra."
General David Petraeus, the US military commander, and Ryan Crocker, the US ambassador, issued a joint statement condemning the killings. But Diwaniya residents said on Sunday they feared all-out war among rival Shia factions after Saturday's assassinations. The SIIC and supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr, the anti-American Shia leader, are said by local residents to be targeting each other in an armed conflict mainly through assassinations. SIIC's armed wing, the Badr Organisation, controls the police who fight al-Sadr's al-Mahdi Army militia. The Shia-dominated south has become increasingly restless as factions vie for control of the oil-rich region, often pitting police loyal to one bloc against militiamen of others.
COMMENT: Jalil was a former top operative in the Badr Brigade, a former paramilitary group based in Iran that has since changed its name to the Badr Organization. The Badr Organization issued a statement calling Jalil a “holy fighter” and seemed to implicate elements of the Imam Al-Mahdi Army, which is loyal to Shi’ite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, in his killing. An al-Sadr spokesman denied his organization’s involvement in the deaths of the governor and his police chief. COMMENT ENDS.
Labels: Afak, Badr Organisation, Brig .Gen. Khalid Abed Hassan, Diwaniyah, Khalil Jalil Hamzah, Mahdi Army, Najaf, Nouri Al-Maliki, Qadisiya, SIIC
Tuesday, August 07, 2007
Diyala police dept. run by SIIC
Security, Politics
(IPS) - Militia from the Shia organisation Badr have taken over the police force in Diyala province north of Baghdad, residents say. The government led by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is believed to have backed such infiltration, and this has reportedly led to clashes with U.S. military leaders. The Daily Telegraph in London has reported that Maliki and General David Petraeus, U.S. commander of the multi-national force in Iraq, have clashed over moves by the U.S. general to arm some Sunni groups.
Sectarian tensions between Sunni and Shia Muslims has grown amidst Iraqi government policies seen as supportive of Shias. Maliki is from the Dawa Party backed by Shia Iran. In Baquba, 50km northeast of the capital, and capital of Diyala, residents say the Shia Badr Organisation, the armed wing of the politically dominant Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), has been dominant in the province since the early months of the occupation. The Badr Organisation managed to fill leadership positions in city and province, while Sunni Iraqis remained largely unrepresented.
In this set-up, many sectarian killings have been carried out by the Badr Organisation, often under cover of the local police, residents told IPS. The SIIC and the Dawa Party of the Prime Minister are politically affiliated. Maliki is secretary-general of the Dawa Party, and spent time in exile in Iran after leading insurgent groups against former president Saddam Hussein. Maliki came to be Prime Minister after political pressure from U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and former British foreign secretary Jack Straw forced former Iraqi prime minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari, also from the al-Dawa Party, to resign.
Residents of this violence-plagued city told IPS that it is common for Iraqi police and army forces, most of whom are militiamen with the Badr Organisation, to raid homes of Sunnis during the night, and take away men who are later found dead in the street. As a result, groups have begun to set up blocks to prevent police patrols from entering their districts at night. There have been several clashes in these districts between residents and people wearing police uniforms attempting to enter. "All the attacks on the Iraqi police and army have been a reaction to the sectarian orientation of the police and Iraqi army," Ali Juma'a, a retired Iraqi army officer told IPS. "They (Badr Organisation affiliated Iraqi police) targeted the officers of the previous Iraq army, military pilots who took part in the Iraq-Iran war, members of the Ba'ath party (of Saddam Hussein) and others."
"Police vehicles are often accompanied by civilian cars," a resident said, declining to give his name. "These cars are driven by civilians who are new to the city, we never saw them here in the past." Many residents say they have seen such cars at the police headquarters in Diyala. The IPS correspondent saw one such car near an Iraqi Army checkpoint – the car like others that residents describe, was a 1993-94 Toyota super saloon. In the back seat were two blindfolded civilians with their hands tied behind their backs.
Day after day, trust in the Iraqi government and its security forces diminishes. This is in the face of increasing popular support for the Iraqi resistance. Local support for the resistance, particularly in Sunni areas, has risen as resistance groups began to protect residents from Badr Organisation death squads. The death squads are notorious for using checkpoints to look at identity cards of drivers, who are then disappeared if they are of the 'wrong' sect.
The chief commander of police is from Khirnabat village whose residents are all Shia. The commander was nominated by the SIIC. "Coalition forces received complaints about the checkpoint at Jamhoriya Bridge (in the centre of Baquba, 100 metres from the police headquarters), and later they found a prison in the villages Khirnabat and Huwaider (also a Shia village) and freed all the Sunni prisoners," local resident Hadi Hassan told IPS. IPS spoke with a Sunni man named Ammar al-Samaraee who had been arrested at the checkpoint and sent to Huwaider village. His father is a well-known figure in the community and managed to have Ammar released after paying 15,000 dollars in ransom. Ammar suffered a broken shoulder and bruises up and down his body.
A Sunni man held prisoner inside the central prison for Diyala province spoke with IPS on condition of anonymity. "There were more than 250 prisoners with me in the prison and all of them were Sunni except one man named Hussein, who was Shia, and was charged with killing his nephew." Shia men who were imprisoned would often be freed by a Shia clerk at the prison, he said. "The entire Iraqi police department for Diyala province is run and controlled by the SIIC and not by the government," the former prisoner added. "And 95 percent of the staff are Shia."
Labels: Badr Corps, Baqouba, Dawa party, Diyala, Iraqi Police Force, SIIC
Monday, August 06, 2007
Shiites press for autonomy in southern Iraq
Politics
(Christian Science Monitor) - When Najaf unplugged its power station from the national grid last week, it was a sign of provincial dissent over the unequal distribution of electricity. But it also indicates a new assertiveness in the south, as Iraq's regional leaders seek to wrest control from a central government in Baghdad paralyzed by political infighting.
Multiple visions for unifying the county's southern provinces are emerging. The Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), one of the most powerful Shiite parties, is leading the charge to form an autonomous "South of Baghdad Region." But 45 southern tribal notables in Najaf last week signed their own pact that envisions creating "the self-rule government of the unified Iraqi south."
Regardless of which southern group wins out, Baghdad faces a formidable challenge that could mean not just the loss of electricity, but revenue from the region's ports and oil fields, and further fracturing along sectarian lines. When Najaf pulled the plug on its electricity from Baghdad, provincial spokesman Ahmed Duaibel said it was because the provincial officials felt Najaf was not getting its fair share of electricity. He says the province is prepared to turn on the power station's remote terminal unit, which normally allows Baghdad to manage the output, if Baghdad addresses provincial grievances.
But one prominent resident who is familiar with the workings of the local authority says the move is part of a larger effort to include Najaf in the "South of Baghdad Region." The other provinces included in the project are Babil, Basra, Dhi Qar, Diwaniyah (also known as Qadisiyah), Karbala, Maysan, Muthana, and Wasit.
In recent weeks, Ammar al-Hakim, the son of SIIC leader Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, has been leading a passionate grassroots campaign to rally support for the project. "I call upon you to be totally prepared from now to form the South of Baghdad Region at the end of the period prescribed by parliament," he said. On July 21, he repeated the plea at another rally in Baghdad.
The national assembly had passed a controversial law in October 2006 outlining the mechanism for establishing regions in Iraq. The law allows for regions to be created starting early April 2008 provided local referendums are held on the issue. The law was opposed by Sunnis and Shiite rivals to SIIC, such as the Fadhila Party and Moqtada al-Sadr's movement, because they said it heralded the fragmentation of Iraq.
Multiple visions for unifying the county's southern provinces are emerging. The Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council (SIIC), one of the most powerful Shiite parties, is leading the charge to form an autonomous "South of Baghdad Region." But 45 southern tribal notables in Najaf last week signed their own pact that envisions creating "the self-rule government of the unified Iraqi south."
Regardless of which southern group wins out, Baghdad faces a formidable challenge that could mean not just the loss of electricity, but revenue from the region's ports and oil fields, and further fracturing along sectarian lines. When Najaf pulled the plug on its electricity from Baghdad, provincial spokesman Ahmed Duaibel said it was because the provincial officials felt Najaf was not getting its fair share of electricity. He says the province is prepared to turn on the power station's remote terminal unit, which normally allows Baghdad to manage the output, if Baghdad addresses provincial grievances.
But one prominent resident who is familiar with the workings of the local authority says the move is part of a larger effort to include Najaf in the "South of Baghdad Region." The other provinces included in the project are Babil, Basra, Dhi Qar, Diwaniyah (also known as Qadisiyah), Karbala, Maysan, Muthana, and Wasit.
In recent weeks, Ammar al-Hakim, the son of SIIC leader Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, has been leading a passionate grassroots campaign to rally support for the project. "I call upon you to be totally prepared from now to form the South of Baghdad Region at the end of the period prescribed by parliament," he said. On July 21, he repeated the plea at another rally in Baghdad.
The national assembly had passed a controversial law in October 2006 outlining the mechanism for establishing regions in Iraq. The law allows for regions to be created starting early April 2008 provided local referendums are held on the issue. The law was opposed by Sunnis and Shiite rivals to SIIC, such as the Fadhila Party and Moqtada al-Sadr's movement, because they said it heralded the fragmentation of Iraq.
Under the Iraqi Constitution, regions have been given significant power, including adopting their own constitution; exercising executive, legislative, and judicial authority, organizing and managing internal security forces; and opening offices as part of Iraqi missions abroad. Also, regional laws take precedence over national ones in case of conflict.
The power of regions is currently one of the points of contention in the constitutional amendment process, according to an aide to Sheikh Humam Hamoudi, who heads the constitutional amendment committee in parliament.
An alternative to the plan that SIIC is promoting is the pact from tribal leaders. Leaders from Basra, Dhi Qar, Diwaniyah, Maysan, and Muthana provinces signed a pact in Najaf that envisions creating "the self-rule government of the unified Iraqi south." They even elected a president and announced plans to form a legislative-type body made up of 130 sheikhs and experts.
Sheikh Abdul-Karim al-Mahamadawi, who supports the initiative, says it's an alternative to the federalist or "super-region" project of the SIIC that would give more powers to "real southerners" while maintaining a commitment to a unified Iraq.
Although Najaf and neighboring Karbala Province hold spiritual significance to Shiites, the viability of any regional federation hinges on Basra, which is the economic linchpin with its oil resources and sea access.
The power of regions is currently one of the points of contention in the constitutional amendment process, according to an aide to Sheikh Humam Hamoudi, who heads the constitutional amendment committee in parliament.
An alternative to the plan that SIIC is promoting is the pact from tribal leaders. Leaders from Basra, Dhi Qar, Diwaniyah, Maysan, and Muthana provinces signed a pact in Najaf that envisions creating "the self-rule government of the unified Iraqi south." They even elected a president and announced plans to form a legislative-type body made up of 130 sheikhs and experts.
Sheikh Abdul-Karim al-Mahamadawi, who supports the initiative, says it's an alternative to the federalist or "super-region" project of the SIIC that would give more powers to "real southerners" while maintaining a commitment to a unified Iraq.
Although Najaf and neighboring Karbala Province hold spiritual significance to Shiites, the viability of any regional federation hinges on Basra, which is the economic linchpin with its oil resources and sea access.
Partition is increasingly being advocated by Washington lawmakers and think tanks as the only way to bring peace to Iraq. "There is a massive operation underway to pave the way for the [south of Baghdad] region, but it's being done quietly," says Sheikh Jalaleddin al-Saghir, a senior parliamentarian and Hakim partisan who favors the SIIC plan.
Besides enjoying a close relationship with Iraq's most revered Shiite cleric, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, and educating the public about the merits of the "South of Baghdad" project, Sheikh Saghir says his party has already drawn up a detailed blueprint for creating the regional administration and that regular meetings take place now between top political, economic, and security officials from all nine provinces to further the goal.
He says the issue is of "tremendous regional and strategic significance that leaves no room for misadventures."
But the project faces important obstacles from other influential elements within the Shiite community. There is Mr. Sadr who, despite his low profile in recent months and a US-led crackdown against his Mahdi Army militia, continues to enjoy wide support, especially among disaffected segments of Shiite society.
The Fadhila Party says that one of the main reasons why SIIC and its allies "orchestrated a campaign" to squeeze out Basra's governor, Muhammad al-Waeli, is because of his strong opposition to joining the federation. "They simply want to eliminate all those opposing the region project," says Jaber Khalifa, a Fadhila leader.
Besides enjoying a close relationship with Iraq's most revered Shiite cleric, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, and educating the public about the merits of the "South of Baghdad" project, Sheikh Saghir says his party has already drawn up a detailed blueprint for creating the regional administration and that regular meetings take place now between top political, economic, and security officials from all nine provinces to further the goal.
He says the issue is of "tremendous regional and strategic significance that leaves no room for misadventures."
But the project faces important obstacles from other influential elements within the Shiite community. There is Mr. Sadr who, despite his low profile in recent months and a US-led crackdown against his Mahdi Army militia, continues to enjoy wide support, especially among disaffected segments of Shiite society.
The Fadhila Party says that one of the main reasons why SIIC and its allies "orchestrated a campaign" to squeeze out Basra's governor, Muhammad al-Waeli, is because of his strong opposition to joining the federation. "They simply want to eliminate all those opposing the region project," says Jaber Khalifa, a Fadhila leader.
Labels: autonomy, Babil, Basra, Dhi Qar, Diwaniyah, Karbala, Maysan, Muthana, Najaf, Sheikh Humam Hamoudi, SIIC, southern Iraq, tribal leaders, Wasit
