Wednesday, August 29, 2007
Dr. Torhan Al Mufti: It Is Impossible To Implement Article 140 Now
Politics
(Al Qala Newspaper) - 28 AUG - Dr. Torhan Al Mufti, a member of the Kirkuk Governate Council, said that the application of Article 140 of the Constitution cannot be implemented at this time because the government is weak and cannot run the country. He said, “We are not against the original displaced inhabitants of Kirkuk. We call for the [Kirkuk] referendum to be cancelled because the outcome has been [wrongly] determined already. The Turkmen entity members of the Kirkuk Governorate Council have been boycotting the council for ten months.”
In regard to why they have been boycotting the council, Al Mufti said, “The reason behind this boycott is because the Turkmen have not been given a primary role in running Kirkuk and we have been negotiating with the Kurds for four months and we have still not reached any agreement. Recently, the US Councilor in Kirkuk has been heavily involved in the negotiations with the Kurds and he has called on us to end our boycott in exchange for important positions for the Arabs and us. But after the meeting between the Turkmen Front and other Turkmen parties, we have decided to demand we be given the Governor position and to have 32% of the administrative positions in Kirkuk.”
Regarding his opinion of increasing the UN’s role in Iraq, Al Mufti said, “We welcome this development because, frankly, the Iraqi issue needs global involvement in order to reach fair and reasonable solutions. This is particularly true regarding the Kirkuk issue which requires the UN to have a role.” Al Mufti added, “We are waiting for a final answer regarding our demands in Kirkuk and if the answer is negative then we will continue our boycott and we will not be a part of losing our citizens’ rights in Kirkuk.”
In regard to why they have been boycotting the council, Al Mufti said, “The reason behind this boycott is because the Turkmen have not been given a primary role in running Kirkuk and we have been negotiating with the Kurds for four months and we have still not reached any agreement. Recently, the US Councilor in Kirkuk has been heavily involved in the negotiations with the Kurds and he has called on us to end our boycott in exchange for important positions for the Arabs and us. But after the meeting between the Turkmen Front and other Turkmen parties, we have decided to demand we be given the Governor position and to have 32% of the administrative positions in Kirkuk.”
Regarding his opinion of increasing the UN’s role in Iraq, Al Mufti said, “We welcome this development because, frankly, the Iraqi issue needs global involvement in order to reach fair and reasonable solutions. This is particularly true regarding the Kirkuk issue which requires the UN to have a role.” Al Mufti added, “We are waiting for a final answer regarding our demands in Kirkuk and if the answer is negative then we will continue our boycott and we will not be a part of losing our citizens’ rights in Kirkuk.”
Labels: Article 140, Dr. Torhan Al Mufti, Kirkuk, Kirkuk Governate Council, Kurds, Turkmen, U.N.
Thursday, July 05, 2007
Al Qaeda deputy leader calls on Muslims to rally behind the group
Terrorism
(SITE) - Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri, the second individual in command of al-Qaeda, presents a speech titled, “The Advice of One Concerned”, in a one-hour and thirty-five minute video produced by the multimedia wing of as-Sahab and issued to jihadist forums on Wednesday, July 4, 2007. Zawahiri is dressed in white, three images on a screen to his back, and English-subtitles are provided for the spoken Arabic.
Touching upon a variety of issues pertinent to the jihadi arena and Muslims, including Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Palestine, Zawahiri repeats his call for unification of Mujahideen and total support among Muslim populations for jihad, but his observations go into considerable depth by utilizing footage from a variety of speakers to dovetail his arguments. For example, in discussing Saudi Arabia and the malignancy of the Saudi Royal Family in regard to that country, Iraq, and the entire region, Zawahiri uses excerpts from Bob Woodward’s book, Plan of Attack, to portray the Kingdom’s culpability in the War in Iraq, its agenda, and collaboration with the West at the expense of Muslims.
Zawahiri also encourages greater support for the Islamic State of Iraq despite it lacking “necessary qualifications”, courts Kurds to join jihad, and lauds Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the deceased Emir of al-Qaeda in Iraq, formerly Tawhid Wal Jihad, for his opening of a path for greater unity in the ranks of Mujahideen by being among the first to pledge to Usama bin Laden and join al-Qaeda.
He adds that other groups have also joined the organization, though they prefered that this news not yet be announced, but the declarations will come soon. Iraq is also the launchpad from which Zawahiri launches his diatribe against Saudi Arabia, using aforementioned evidence to warn that Iraq will fall if the Saudis gain significant influence in its politics. Concerning al-Qaeda, Zawahiri points to a second half of a long-term plan, consisting of using Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia as camps for jihadi preparation and training.
Labels: Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, Al Qaeda, Al Qaeda in Iraq, as-Sahab, Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri, Islamic State of Iraq, Kurds, Tawhid Wal Jihad
Monday, July 02, 2007
Sadrists criticise efforts to form new Shiite-Kurdish coalition
Politics
(AP) - Followers of radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr on Saturday criticized efforts to form a new coalition of leading Shiite and Kurdish parties, saying isolating political groups was not the solution to Iraq's turmoil. Talk of a new coalition is widely seen as an effort to sideline al-Sadr's anti-American movement, that holds 30 seats in the 275-member parliament. Al-Sadr's Mahdi Army militia has been blamed for much of the sectarian killings that have claimed thousands of lives.
"This is a partial agreement that means isolating other groups and no one should be isolated," Nassar al-Rubaie, a Sadrist lawmaker, said. "The only solution to Iraq's problems is to set up a national unity government made up of technocrats and not divided on sectarian basis." Another Sadrist lawmaker suggested that the Americans want a political realignment to approve "benchmark" legislation to distribute oil revenue, hold provincial elections and overhauling rules that removed thousands of Saddam Hussein loyalists from their jobs.
"This is not a political bloc," said Nasser al-Saidi. "It is a bloc to gather the largest number of members of parliament to approve laws..." The Sadrists also expressed reservations about a statement made by President Jalal Talabani that more executive powers would be given to the Sunnis.
Speaking at a Socialist conference Friday in Switzerland, Talabani said an agreement has been reached between the presidential council, which includes the Kurdish president and his Sunni and Shiite deputies, and the prime minister to form a "joint leadership in accordance with the constitution that says that the executive authority is made up of the presidency and Cabinet."
"By this, the complaint that Sunni Arabs are deprived from playing a leading role is solved," Talabani said. "We are against giving powers to the presidential council because this will paralyze the government as the decisions will be in the hand of more than one person," al-Rubaie said. "We are a parliamentary system and the decision is in the hands of the prime minister."
Efforts to form a new government coalition have intensified because of major rifts within the Iraqi government, which the U.S. had hoped would bring together Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds. Instead, the government is riveted with divisions.
In April, the six Cabinet ministers loyal to al-Sadr walked out of the government in protest after Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki rejected calls for a timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. and coalition forces. Two weeks ago, the 30 Sadrist lawmakers announced they would stay away from parliament until the government comes up with a plan to rebuild a Shiite shrine in Samarra devastated by bombs. This week, four Sunni ministers said they will boycott Cabinet meetings to protest the way al-Maliki handled legal proceedings against one of their Sunni colleagues under investigation in a 2005 assassination attempt.
"This is a partial agreement that means isolating other groups and no one should be isolated," Nassar al-Rubaie, a Sadrist lawmaker, said. "The only solution to Iraq's problems is to set up a national unity government made up of technocrats and not divided on sectarian basis." Another Sadrist lawmaker suggested that the Americans want a political realignment to approve "benchmark" legislation to distribute oil revenue, hold provincial elections and overhauling rules that removed thousands of Saddam Hussein loyalists from their jobs.
"This is not a political bloc," said Nasser al-Saidi. "It is a bloc to gather the largest number of members of parliament to approve laws..." The Sadrists also expressed reservations about a statement made by President Jalal Talabani that more executive powers would be given to the Sunnis.
Speaking at a Socialist conference Friday in Switzerland, Talabani said an agreement has been reached between the presidential council, which includes the Kurdish president and his Sunni and Shiite deputies, and the prime minister to form a "joint leadership in accordance with the constitution that says that the executive authority is made up of the presidency and Cabinet."
"By this, the complaint that Sunni Arabs are deprived from playing a leading role is solved," Talabani said. "We are against giving powers to the presidential council because this will paralyze the government as the decisions will be in the hand of more than one person," al-Rubaie said. "We are a parliamentary system and the decision is in the hands of the prime minister."
Efforts to form a new government coalition have intensified because of major rifts within the Iraqi government, which the U.S. had hoped would bring together Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds. Instead, the government is riveted with divisions.
In April, the six Cabinet ministers loyal to al-Sadr walked out of the government in protest after Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki rejected calls for a timetable for the withdrawal of U.S. and coalition forces. Two weeks ago, the 30 Sadrist lawmakers announced they would stay away from parliament until the government comes up with a plan to rebuild a Shiite shrine in Samarra devastated by bombs. This week, four Sunni ministers said they will boycott Cabinet meetings to protest the way al-Maliki handled legal proceedings against one of their Sunni colleagues under investigation in a 2005 assassination attempt.
Labels: Kurds, Moqtada Al-Sadr, Nassar al-Rubaie, political coalition, Shias
Monday, May 21, 2007
16 Kurds killed by gunmen in Iraqi military uniform
Security
(AINA) - 16 Kurds have been killed by gunmen wearing Iraqi military uniforms who stormed a village near the Iranian border with Iraq. Brigadier General Nadhim Sharif, the commander of Iraqi border forces in Diyala Province, said the gang stormed the village of Qara Lus, about 100 kilometres northeast of Baghdad, in the early hours of the morning.
Officials said the gunmen went house to house, masquerading as security forces on a legitimate mission. The commander blamed the attack on the so-called 'Islamic State of Iraq', an alliance of Sunni militant groups that serves as a front for al-Qaeda in Iraq and has a strong presence in the war-torn province of Diyala where the village is located. Qara Lus is a small community of Failis, or Kurdish Shiites, a minority group that has been targeted in the past by Sunni extremists.
Officials said the gunmen went house to house, masquerading as security forces on a legitimate mission. The commander blamed the attack on the so-called 'Islamic State of Iraq', an alliance of Sunni militant groups that serves as a front for al-Qaeda in Iraq and has a strong presence in the war-torn province of Diyala where the village is located. Qara Lus is a small community of Failis, or Kurdish Shiites, a minority group that has been targeted in the past by Sunni extremists.
Labels: Brigadier General Nadhim Sharif, Failis, gunmen, Islamic State of Iraq, Kurds, Qara Lus
Wednesday, May 16, 2007
Al-Qaeda in Iraq threatens Kurdish Christians
Security, Religion
(Chawder) - A statement attributed to "Al-Qaeda" has warned Kurds against converting to Christianity or Zoroastrianism, the Kurdish weekly "Chawder" reported on May 14. The newspaper did not say whether the statement was issued by the Islamic State of Iraq. No insurgent group operating in Iraq uses the name "Al-Qaeda." The statement, circulated in towns in Al-Sulaymaniyah Governorate, said the group is "hunting down those who have converted" to the two religions "and destroying them." Local Christian leader Luqman Khadir Muhammad said the church "welcomes [Al-Qaeda's] decision if they decide to kill only us and not harm the people in markets and other places," the daily reported.
Labels: Al-Sulaymaniyah, Christianity, Kurds, Zoroastrianism
Thursday, May 03, 2007
Kurds, Sunnis express reservations on draft oil law
Oil
(Herald Tribune) - Kurdish and Sunni Arab officials expressed deep reservations on Wednesday about the draft version of a national oil law and related legislation, misgivings that could derail one of the benchmark measures of progress in Iraq laid down by President George W. Bush. The draft law, which establishes a framework for the distribution of oil revenues, was approved by the Iraqi cabinet in late February after months of negotiations.
In Iraq, the Kurds have taken issue with a new provision that was quietly packaged with the draft oil law by the Shiite-led Oil Ministry last month. The measure would essentially cede control of the management of nearly all known oil fields and related contracts to a state-run oil company to be established after passage of the law, said a spokesman for the Kurdish regional government.
The spokesman, Khalid Salih, said the provision violated a clause in the Constitution that says the central government must work with regional governments to determine management of known fields that have not been developed. The Kurds, who have enjoyed de facto independence in the north since 1991, have been arguing for maximum regional control over oil contracts. The provision is part of four so-called annexes that are to be debated with the draft oil law in Parliament. Any objection to one or more of the annexes will stall passage of the law.
"We are worried about these ideas put into the annexes," Salih said in an interview in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan. "It worries us a lot." If the law and the annexes go to a vote before Parliament, a rejection by the Kurdish bloc alone, which holds 58 of 275 seats, would not doom the law. But Parliament operates by consensus, and members say it is almost certain that no law regarding oil will pass without the approval of the Kurds.
A senior Shiite Arab legislator, Sheik Jalaladin al-Saghir, said the concerns raised by the Kurds amounted to a bargaining tactic. "I think it's a maneuver," he said, adding that he believed the Kurds "will move forward to pass the law since everybody needs it."
Contributing a further layer of complication, a Sunni Arab legislator said Wednesday evening that the main Sunni Arab bloc, which has 44 legislative seats, objected to any discussion of the law in Parliament at this time. "Acceleration in presenting it is inappropriate since the security condition is not encouraging," said the legislator, Saleem Abdullah. He said Sunni Arabs were also worried that the law would give foreign companies too large a role in the country's oil industry. Sunni Arab political leaders supported cabinet approval of the draft law, but appear ambivalent now.
White House officials have said passage of the oil law is one of four major benchmarks they would like the Iraqi government to meet before fall.
The spokesman, Khalid Salih, said the provision violated a clause in the Constitution that says the central government must work with regional governments to determine management of known fields that have not been developed. The Kurds, who have enjoyed de facto independence in the north since 1991, have been arguing for maximum regional control over oil contracts. The provision is part of four so-called annexes that are to be debated with the draft oil law in Parliament. Any objection to one or more of the annexes will stall passage of the law.
"We are worried about these ideas put into the annexes," Salih said in an interview in Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan. "It worries us a lot." If the law and the annexes go to a vote before Parliament, a rejection by the Kurdish bloc alone, which holds 58 of 275 seats, would not doom the law. But Parliament operates by consensus, and members say it is almost certain that no law regarding oil will pass without the approval of the Kurds.
A senior Shiite Arab legislator, Sheik Jalaladin al-Saghir, said the concerns raised by the Kurds amounted to a bargaining tactic. "I think it's a maneuver," he said, adding that he believed the Kurds "will move forward to pass the law since everybody needs it."
Contributing a further layer of complication, a Sunni Arab legislator said Wednesday evening that the main Sunni Arab bloc, which has 44 legislative seats, objected to any discussion of the law in Parliament at this time. "Acceleration in presenting it is inappropriate since the security condition is not encouraging," said the legislator, Saleem Abdullah. He said Sunni Arabs were also worried that the law would give foreign companies too large a role in the country's oil industry. Sunni Arab political leaders supported cabinet approval of the draft law, but appear ambivalent now.
White House officials have said passage of the oil law is one of four major benchmarks they would like the Iraqi government to meet before fall.
Labels: draft oil law, Khalid Salih, Kurds, Sheik Jalaladin al-Saghir, Sunnis
Thursday, April 12, 2007
Sectarian violence ongoing despite Baghdad security operation
Security
(McClatchy Newspapers) - Nearly two months into a Baghdad security plan intended to calm the Iraqi capital by protecting residents from sectarian violence, Shiite Muslim militia members are still driving Sunni Muslims from religiously mixed neighborhoods. Iraqi soldiers, usually ethnic Kurds, reportedly have intervened in some instances to stop the militia campaign. But interviews with Sunni residents found that most of the efforts go unchallenged in a city where it's increasingly rare for Shiites or Sunnis to remain in neighborhoods that the other sect dominates.
Residents displaced in the past four months describe a new effort that haunts them after they flee. It begins with intimidating phone calls, then escalates into bombings or the dismantling of Sunni homes. The residents said the perpetrators were members of the Mahdi Army militia, which is loyal to radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Al-Sadr reportedly has told his followers to lie low and not challenge U.S. troops as they fan out across the capital in an effort to restore order.
But that show of cooperation hasn't prevented the militia from trying to cement its grip on some formerly mixed-sect neighborhoods, residents report. Lt. Col Chris Garver, a U.S. military spokesman, didn't dispute that Mahdi Army members are still working to clear neighborhoods of Sunni residents. He said the security plan was in its early stages and that with three of five additional U.S. brigades now in Baghdad, there still weren't enough troops to halt illegal militia activities in every neighborhood.
"These are exactly the type of activities that we will clear, and free the neighborhoods from the influence of illegal armed groups, insurgents, militias or other criminals," Garver said. "In order for the plan to work, Iraqi residents must report these activities." Residents described a multifaceted program that begins with efforts to force a family to leave and continues even after the house is abandoned. Then, residents reported, Mahdi Army members work to persuade the homeowner to sell the abandoned house at below-market rates and to prevent the owner from installing a tenant.
Residents displaced in the past four months describe a new effort that haunts them after they flee. It begins with intimidating phone calls, then escalates into bombings or the dismantling of Sunni homes. The residents said the perpetrators were members of the Mahdi Army militia, which is loyal to radical Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Al-Sadr reportedly has told his followers to lie low and not challenge U.S. troops as they fan out across the capital in an effort to restore order.
But that show of cooperation hasn't prevented the militia from trying to cement its grip on some formerly mixed-sect neighborhoods, residents report. Lt. Col Chris Garver, a U.S. military spokesman, didn't dispute that Mahdi Army members are still working to clear neighborhoods of Sunni residents. He said the security plan was in its early stages and that with three of five additional U.S. brigades now in Baghdad, there still weren't enough troops to halt illegal militia activities in every neighborhood.
"These are exactly the type of activities that we will clear, and free the neighborhoods from the influence of illegal armed groups, insurgents, militias or other criminals," Garver said. "In order for the plan to work, Iraqi residents must report these activities." Residents described a multifaceted program that begins with efforts to force a family to leave and continues even after the house is abandoned. Then, residents reported, Mahdi Army members work to persuade the homeowner to sell the abandoned house at below-market rates and to prevent the owner from installing a tenant.
The plan to keep Sunnis out of formerly mixed neighborhoods is evident as well in the Hurriyah section of northern Baghdad, which the Mahdi Army now dominates. Photos of dead Mahdi Army members hang throughout the streets, and red X's mark businesses and homes where Sunni families were pushed out. One Kurdish member of Iraq's army, interviewed Wednesday, said his unit was ordered to intervene 10 days ago when Mahdi Army members began dismantling homes near a Sunni mosque that had been destroyed during what residents said was a three-month militia push late last year to drive Sunnis from the area.
A prominent member of the Mahdi Army, who asked not to be identified because he was admitting illegal activities, acknowledged that the militia was behind a campaign to drive what he termed "bad" Sunnis from Hurriyah. He was unapologetic, saying the militia acts on orders to kill or kick out Sunnis who are connected to insurgent groups that have killed thousands of Shiites. Asking Shiites not to pay rent to Sunnis was an educational campaign, he said. "This is wrong, and that amount of money may be used by Sunni terrorists for killing Shiites," he said. "We must inform them."
A prominent member of the Mahdi Army, who asked not to be identified because he was admitting illegal activities, acknowledged that the militia was behind a campaign to drive what he termed "bad" Sunnis from Hurriyah. He was unapologetic, saying the militia acts on orders to kill or kick out Sunnis who are connected to insurgent groups that have killed thousands of Shiites. Asking Shiites not to pay rent to Sunnis was an educational campaign, he said. "This is wrong, and that amount of money may be used by Sunni terrorists for killing Shiites," he said. "We must inform them."
Labels: Kurds, Lt. Col Chris Garver, Mahdi Army, sectarian violence, Shiite militias
Monday, April 02, 2007
Politicians divided over Kirkuk relocation plan
Politics
(McClatchy Newspapers) Iraqi politicians are divided over a government plan to relocate thousands of Arab families from the oil-rich northern city of Kirkuk, a move that's likely to hand greater control of the city to Iraq's Kurdish minority. But critics say it could hasten the partitioning of Iraq along religious and ethnic lines. Kirkuk is due to vote later this year on whether to join the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq, and some Arabs say the government plan would cement the Kurdish voting bloc in one of Iraq's largest and most contested cities.
"It's very unfortunate that the government would take such a decision to remove people from places where they have farms, schools and homes," said Saleh al Mutlaq, a Sunni Muslim Arab who participated in drafting Iraq's new constitution, which calls for the Kirkuk referendum. "It shows we are not living in one country."
The plan - developed by a government committee appointed to study Kirkuk - would give Arabs who'd settled in the city under Baathist orders about $15,000 to return to the south, along with a piece of land in their home provinces. Government officials said that the offer is voluntary, and that about 12,000 families had so far registered interest, although the start date was unclear.
"The injustices of the past should be ended," said Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari, a Kurd. "This is the essence of the new Iraq." Kurds have come to see Kirkuk as the heart of autonomous Kurdistan, even though it's located outside the region's current boundaries. But critics say the focus on Kirkuk has much more to do with oil wealth. The Kirkuk oil field produces about half of Iraq's oil exports.
"Kirkuk's oil has enormous importance," said Ribwar Faeq Talabani, the Kurdish deputy speaker of Kirkuk's provincial council. At the same time, he said, if the Kirkuk question isn't resolved, "the war will start again between Kurds and Arabs."
In 2003, when the U.S. invasion toppled Saddam's regime, Kurdish families began streaming back into Kirkuk, only to find that their homes had been occupied or destroyed. Kurds now are believed to make up slightly less than half of Kirkuk's roughly 1 million people. They dominate the government and security forces, which are often accused of harassment and intimidation against Arabs and Turkmen. Some Arab leaders worry that the relocation won't in fact be voluntary, and will be carried out by Kurdish police.
"There are huge pressures upon Arabs to leave the city," said Sheik Abdullah Obedi, a Sunni Arab member of the Kirkuk provincial council. "The security forces conduct continuous raids. There are random detentions in Arab neighborhoods." Sherkou Shakir, head of the Kirkuk police force, denied the allegations and said that his officers would help carry out the relocations "under the law." Some Arabs in Kirkuk said they didn't feel pressure to move.
"It's very unfortunate that the government would take such a decision to remove people from places where they have farms, schools and homes," said Saleh al Mutlaq, a Sunni Muslim Arab who participated in drafting Iraq's new constitution, which calls for the Kirkuk referendum. "It shows we are not living in one country."
The plan - developed by a government committee appointed to study Kirkuk - would give Arabs who'd settled in the city under Baathist orders about $15,000 to return to the south, along with a piece of land in their home provinces. Government officials said that the offer is voluntary, and that about 12,000 families had so far registered interest, although the start date was unclear.
"The injustices of the past should be ended," said Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari, a Kurd. "This is the essence of the new Iraq." Kurds have come to see Kirkuk as the heart of autonomous Kurdistan, even though it's located outside the region's current boundaries. But critics say the focus on Kirkuk has much more to do with oil wealth. The Kirkuk oil field produces about half of Iraq's oil exports.
"Kirkuk's oil has enormous importance," said Ribwar Faeq Talabani, the Kurdish deputy speaker of Kirkuk's provincial council. At the same time, he said, if the Kirkuk question isn't resolved, "the war will start again between Kurds and Arabs."
In 2003, when the U.S. invasion toppled Saddam's regime, Kurdish families began streaming back into Kirkuk, only to find that their homes had been occupied or destroyed. Kurds now are believed to make up slightly less than half of Kirkuk's roughly 1 million people. They dominate the government and security forces, which are often accused of harassment and intimidation against Arabs and Turkmen. Some Arab leaders worry that the relocation won't in fact be voluntary, and will be carried out by Kurdish police.
"There are huge pressures upon Arabs to leave the city," said Sheik Abdullah Obedi, a Sunni Arab member of the Kirkuk provincial council. "The security forces conduct continuous raids. There are random detentions in Arab neighborhoods." Sherkou Shakir, head of the Kirkuk police force, denied the allegations and said that his officers would help carry out the relocations "under the law." Some Arabs in Kirkuk said they didn't feel pressure to move.
Labels: Kirkuk, Kurds, Ribwar Faeq Talabani, Saleh Mutlak, Sheik Abdullah Obedi, Sherkou Shakir
Thursday, March 22, 2007
Sunni Arab leaders see al-Maliki's government as an obstacle to stability
Politics, Region
(Azzaman) - Arab leaders see Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s government as an obstacle on the path of reconciliation and return of security, officials say. The officials, refusing to be named, said the leaders, who are to convene for a summit in Saudi Arabia on March 28-29 may not be able to come up with a unified stand regarding Iraq unless Maliki drastically changes tact and policies.
The prime minister apparently still enjoys the backing of Washington and so far U.S. leaders seem to be rather happy with the progress of their military operations to subdue Baghdad. But the sources said the Arabs, led by Saudi Arabia and Jordan, were keen to alter the current balance of power in Baghdad which tilts towards Shiite factions.
The Shiite coalition has the largest bloc in parliament but cannot rule on its own as it lacks the necessary two-thirds majority. The fate of Maliki’s government depends on its alliance with Kurds who enjoy substantial autonomy in northern Iraq. But the Kurds are reported to be furious with Maliki’s policies and fear the current uncertainty and high levels of violence in most parts of the country might destabilize their relatively quiet enclave.
Saudi Arabia and Jordan, two key players in Iraq, are warming up to Kurds in a move designed to persuade them to give up their current alliance with Maliki. The Kurds joined Maliki’s government in the hope that the new government would normalize conditions in the oil-rich city of Kirkuk by holding a referendum and forcing the Arabs who were brought there under former leader Saddam Hussein to leave.
But Maliki is reluctant to take such measures, angering his Kurdish allies. The officials said the recent visit by Massoud Barzani, president of the Kurdish region, to Saudi Arabia and his meeting with King Abdullah was part of a Saudi campaign to further weaken Maliki. Barzani also visited Amman where he met King Abdullah of Jordan. Both countries are predominantly Sunnis and so are majority Kurds in Iraq. The official said Kurds would be ready to change alliances if guaranteed they will add Kirkuk to their semi-independent territory. But the opposition bloc in Iraqi parliament, mainly comprising Sunni MPs, is a strong opponent of relinquishing Kirkuk and its prolific oil fields to Kurds.
The prime minister apparently still enjoys the backing of Washington and so far U.S. leaders seem to be rather happy with the progress of their military operations to subdue Baghdad. But the sources said the Arabs, led by Saudi Arabia and Jordan, were keen to alter the current balance of power in Baghdad which tilts towards Shiite factions.
The Shiite coalition has the largest bloc in parliament but cannot rule on its own as it lacks the necessary two-thirds majority. The fate of Maliki’s government depends on its alliance with Kurds who enjoy substantial autonomy in northern Iraq. But the Kurds are reported to be furious with Maliki’s policies and fear the current uncertainty and high levels of violence in most parts of the country might destabilize their relatively quiet enclave.
Saudi Arabia and Jordan, two key players in Iraq, are warming up to Kurds in a move designed to persuade them to give up their current alliance with Maliki. The Kurds joined Maliki’s government in the hope that the new government would normalize conditions in the oil-rich city of Kirkuk by holding a referendum and forcing the Arabs who were brought there under former leader Saddam Hussein to leave.
But Maliki is reluctant to take such measures, angering his Kurdish allies. The officials said the recent visit by Massoud Barzani, president of the Kurdish region, to Saudi Arabia and his meeting with King Abdullah was part of a Saudi campaign to further weaken Maliki. Barzani also visited Amman where he met King Abdullah of Jordan. Both countries are predominantly Sunnis and so are majority Kurds in Iraq. The official said Kurds would be ready to change alliances if guaranteed they will add Kirkuk to their semi-independent territory. But the opposition bloc in Iraqi parliament, mainly comprising Sunni MPs, is a strong opponent of relinquishing Kirkuk and its prolific oil fields to Kurds.
Labels: Jordan, Kurds, Massoud Barzani, Nouri Al-Maliki, Saudi Arabia
Tuesday, March 20, 2007
Barzani - U.S. troops must leave, but not yet
Security, Politics
(AFP) - Iraqi Kurdish leader Massud Barzani conceded Tuesday that security in Iraq was better before the 2003 US-led war but warned an early US troop withdrawal would worsen the situation. "Unfortunately, the situation now in Iraq is tragic and any sudden US troop withdrawal will make things worse," the president of Iraq's Kurdish autonomous region told a news conference in Jordan.
"We are in favour of a US troop withdrawal from Iraq but only when the Iraqi security forces and the government are ready and able to control the situation and guarantee stability in the country," said key US ally Barzani. Asked if the situation in Iraq was better before the US-led war four years ago, he said: "The security situation was better in Iraq in 2003. But in other cases, of course Iraq 2007 is better," Barzani said as Iraq marked four years since US-led forces invaded the country.
"Had we seized the opportunities, Iraq 2007 could have been a prototype (of democracy and stability), but unfortunately, this did not happen," he added as he wrapped up a two-day visit to Jordan. Barzani also acknowledged that a recent US plan to contain sectarian violence in Iraq "has not achieved all its goals," and warned that its failure would have "dangerous repercussions" across the country.
Barzani also denied recent press reports quoting him a saying that the Kurds would declare their independence from the rest of Iraq if all-out civil war between rival Sunni and Shiite forces breaks out in the country. "We would not be party to this struggle or take sides and we will not be a cause of the division of Iraq," Barzani said. He also dismissed "the fears arising from Kurds obtaining their rights. Arab countries must understand that the Kurds are their brothers and their allies. They are not aliens," he said. On Monday Barzani had talks with Jordan's King Abdullah II who reiterated his country's support for efforts to secure reconciliation between rival Iraqis.
"We are in favour of a US troop withdrawal from Iraq but only when the Iraqi security forces and the government are ready and able to control the situation and guarantee stability in the country," said key US ally Barzani. Asked if the situation in Iraq was better before the US-led war four years ago, he said: "The security situation was better in Iraq in 2003. But in other cases, of course Iraq 2007 is better," Barzani said as Iraq marked four years since US-led forces invaded the country.
"Had we seized the opportunities, Iraq 2007 could have been a prototype (of democracy and stability), but unfortunately, this did not happen," he added as he wrapped up a two-day visit to Jordan. Barzani also acknowledged that a recent US plan to contain sectarian violence in Iraq "has not achieved all its goals," and warned that its failure would have "dangerous repercussions" across the country.
Barzani also denied recent press reports quoting him a saying that the Kurds would declare their independence from the rest of Iraq if all-out civil war between rival Sunni and Shiite forces breaks out in the country. "We would not be party to this struggle or take sides and we will not be a cause of the division of Iraq," Barzani said. He also dismissed "the fears arising from Kurds obtaining their rights. Arab countries must understand that the Kurds are their brothers and their allies. They are not aliens," he said. On Monday Barzani had talks with Jordan's King Abdullah II who reiterated his country's support for efforts to secure reconciliation between rival Iraqis.
Labels: foreign troop withdrawal, Kurds, Massoud Barzani
Monday, March 19, 2007
Turkmen form own militia in Kirkuk
Security
(Al-Melaf) A Turkmen political leader announced that his party has formed an armed militia to protect the Iraqi Turkmen community from rising attacks and persecution in the northern city of Kirkuk, according to the Al-Melaf website. Ali Mehdi Sadiq, head of the Turkmeneli Party, stated that Turkmen politicians, community leaders and businessmen are facing a “campaign of elimination,” which requires the formation of an armed Turkmen group.
Sadiq warned that civil war would break out if Kirkuk becomes part of the Kurdistan Region and that it would spread to other parts of Iraq, claiming the lives of thousands of Arabs, Kurds and Turkmen, adding that this would not be in the benefit of Iraq or neighboring countries, such as Turkey. Sadiq also claimed that 600,000 Kurds from the north of Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria have settled in Kirkuk in an effort to change the ethnically mixed city’s demographics.
(Al-Melaf) A Turkmen political leader announced that his party has formed an armed militia to protect the Iraqi Turkmen community from rising attacks and persecution in the northern city of Kirkuk, according to the Al-Melaf website. Ali Mehdi Sadiq, head of the Turkmeneli Party, stated that Turkmen politicians, community leaders and businessmen are facing a “campaign of elimination,” which requires the formation of an armed Turkmen group.
Sadiq warned that civil war would break out if Kirkuk becomes part of the Kurdistan Region and that it would spread to other parts of Iraq, claiming the lives of thousands of Arabs, Kurds and Turkmen, adding that this would not be in the benefit of Iraq or neighboring countries, such as Turkey. Sadiq also claimed that 600,000 Kurds from the north of Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria have settled in Kirkuk in an effort to change the ethnically mixed city’s demographics.
COMMENT: This is a reaction to violence from Kurdish militias and is likley to worsen the conflict between the different groups in Kirkuk - Kurds, Assyrians, Arabs and Turkomen - the last three groups are united against becoming part of Kurdistan. COMMENT ENDS.
Labels: Ali Mehdi Sadiq, Kirkuk, Kurds, militia, Turkmeneli Party
Thursday, March 15, 2007
Talabani - U.S. withdrawal will result in Kurdish-Shia military rule
Politics
(Al-Ra'y) President Jalal Talabani told the Amman-based "Al-Ra'y" in an interview published on March 13 that Iraq needs a reorganization of its political forces. "There are sectarian, nationalist, and ethnic camps in Iraq. This is not ideal. We need a national camp instead of having Sunni Arabs in a certain bloc and Shi'ite Arabs in another bloc. We need a national bloc that comprises all parties," he said.
Talabani added that the Kurdistan Coalition attempted to form an "alliance of moderates" comprising the two main Kurdish parties, the Iraqi Islamic Party, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, and the Iraqi National Accord, "but we did not succeed." "If we manage to unite a group of forces to form a national Iraqi front away from sectarian and nationalist blocs...that will be a great victory for Iraq," Talabani said. Asked about the withdrawal of Al-Fadilah from the Shi'ite-led United Iraqi Alliance, Talabani said it would not lead to the dismantling of the alliance, because the "Shi'a are united," though they may change from a coalition to a front in the future.
President Talabani told "Al-Ra'y" that a U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq would result in Kurdish-Shi'ite military rule in Iraq. "The Kurds and the Shi'ites are prepared and they have hundreds of thousands of armed men and they can quickly control all of Iraq. I do not want to see Kurdish-Shi'ite despotism in the Iraqi military sphere," Talabani said.
He noted that Kurds could "take control of Mosul and the Arab areas there within hours" if given the opportunity. "This, however, is not in the interest of Iraq. There must be an Iraqi force that is made up of the main entities of the Iraqi people," he added. Asked about the return of former army officers to the military, Talabani said 80,000 officers who were members of the Ba'ath Party but not Saddam Hussein supporters were returned to service. "The Saddamists do not believe in elections and ballot boxes but in coups. Therefore we should not give them a chance to carry out such coups," he said.
Labels: Iraqi Islamic Party, Jalal Talabani, Kurds, SCIRI, UIA
Monday, March 12, 2007
Kurds prevent use of Assyrian language in business
(AINA) -- Kurdish authorities are preventing Assyrian businesses from using Assyrian names or putting up signs using the Assyrian language on the front of their stores, according to the Assyrian website assyrian4all.net. Kurdish authorities have informed businesses that they may use Kurdish or English only. An Assyrian businessman observed that this policy is no different from that under Saddam's regime, when Assyrians were forced to use Arabic instead of Assyrian names.
COMMENT: Assyrians are an ethnic group whose origins lie in what is today Iraq, Iran, Turkey and Syria. Most Assyrians speak a modern form of Syriac, an Eastern Aramaic language whose dialects include Chaldean and Turoyo as well as Assyrian. All are classified as Neo-Aramaic languages and are written using Syriac script, a derivative of the ancient Aramaic script. Assyrians also may speak one or more languages of their country of residence.
As a result of persecution, mostly during the last century, there is now a significant Assyrian diaspora. Major events included the Islamic revolution in Iran, the Simele massacre, and the Assyrian genocide that occurred under Ottoman Turkish rule in the early 1900's. The latest event to hit the Assyrian community is the war in Iraq; of the one million or more Iraqis reported by the United Nations to have fled, forty percent are Assyrian, despite Assyrians comprising only three to five percent of the Iraqi population. Assyrians adhere to Christianity. Under MAPS on the left look at the Distribution of ethnic and religious groups to see Assyrian areas in Iraq.COMMENT ENDS.
As a result of persecution, mostly during the last century, there is now a significant Assyrian diaspora. Major events included the Islamic revolution in Iran, the Simele massacre, and the Assyrian genocide that occurred under Ottoman Turkish rule in the early 1900's. The latest event to hit the Assyrian community is the war in Iraq; of the one million or more Iraqis reported by the United Nations to have fled, forty percent are Assyrian, despite Assyrians comprising only three to five percent of the Iraqi population. Assyrians adhere to Christianity. Under MAPS on the left look at the Distribution of ethnic and religious groups to see Assyrian areas in Iraq.COMMENT ENDS.
Kurds express interest in joining Allawi's Iraqi National Front
Politics
(Al Hayat) Iraqi Kurds are considering abandoning their alliance with Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's Shia-dominated coalition and instead forming a new coalition, the Iraqi National Front (INF), led by former prime minister Iyad Allawi's Iraqi List and recently including the Shia Fadhila Party. Prominent Kurdish leader Mahmud Uthman told news agencies that the Kurds were interested "if it is confirmed that the coalition that Iyad Allawi is trying to form can bring together diverse parties capable of bringing about change in Iraq." The article also noted that there was speculation that the new coalition was being supported by the United States, as U.S. Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad and Allawi together visited Kurdistan recently just as Fadhila was withdrawing from the United Iraqi Alliance.
The same article also reports on a separate incident of special note regarding Iran. Kurdish authorities have declared martial law in the border area around Najwin and closed the border with Iran due to the infiltration of Iraqi territory by members of the terrorist Ansar al-Sunna Army (jaish ansar al-sunna). The article notes that members of the Kurdish border patrol have reported repeated attacks from Sunni terrorists coming from Iranian territory.
ThreatsWatch has reported on the formation of this new coaltion twice in the past two weeks. While I downplayed the significance of Fadhila's actions in these previous reports because of its limited influence outside its base in Basra, the potential addition of the Kurds is much more important. The Kurdish parties have been Maliki's only reliable non-Shia partners, and the defection of both Fadhila and the Kurds would deprive the government of its majority in parliament. This is all still somewhat speculative since the Kurds seem to be conditioning their inclusion on Allawi forming the rest of the coalition first, but an Allawi-led Sunni-Kurd-Fadhila coalition would force the prime minister to make radical changes in order to maintain any kind of governing coalition at all.
The association of Khalilzad with the formation of this new coalition, whether accurate or not, could have a negative affect on U.S. relations with the Maliki government if Maliki comes to believe that the U.S. is conspiring against him. There are potential positives that come from this news, but for the U.S. to be associated with attempts to form a new ruling coalition will backlash by reinforcing rampant accusations that the Iraqi government is an American puppet. This is even more true because Allawi was once funded by the CIA.
The same article also reports on a separate incident of special note regarding Iran. Kurdish authorities have declared martial law in the border area around Najwin and closed the border with Iran due to the infiltration of Iraqi territory by members of the terrorist Ansar al-Sunna Army (jaish ansar al-sunna). The article notes that members of the Kurdish border patrol have reported repeated attacks from Sunni terrorists coming from Iranian territory.
ThreatsWatch has reported on the formation of this new coaltion twice in the past two weeks. While I downplayed the significance of Fadhila's actions in these previous reports because of its limited influence outside its base in Basra, the potential addition of the Kurds is much more important. The Kurdish parties have been Maliki's only reliable non-Shia partners, and the defection of both Fadhila and the Kurds would deprive the government of its majority in parliament. This is all still somewhat speculative since the Kurds seem to be conditioning their inclusion on Allawi forming the rest of the coalition first, but an Allawi-led Sunni-Kurd-Fadhila coalition would force the prime minister to make radical changes in order to maintain any kind of governing coalition at all.
The association of Khalilzad with the formation of this new coalition, whether accurate or not, could have a negative affect on U.S. relations with the Maliki government if Maliki comes to believe that the U.S. is conspiring against him. There are potential positives that come from this news, but for the U.S. to be associated with attempts to form a new ruling coalition will backlash by reinforcing rampant accusations that the Iraqi government is an American puppet. This is even more true because Allawi was once funded by the CIA.
Labels: al-Maliki, Fadhela party, Iran, Iraqi National Front, Iyad Allawi, Kurds, Mahmud Uthman, UIA, United Iraqi Alliance
Friday, March 02, 2007
Turkey's PM and army general clash over Kurdish militants
Turkey, Kurdistan, Politics
(Reuters) Turkey's prime minister and top army general clashed over Iraq on Thursday in a growing row that underscores tensions between the government and the powerful military ahead of presidential elections due in May. During a recent trip to Washington, armed forces' chief Yasar Buyukanit accused Iraqi Kurdish leaders of helping Turkish Kurdish militants hiding in northern Iraq and said Turkey should avoid any contact with them.
Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan's government shares the army's concerns that Iraq's Kurds aim to set up an independent state and could fan separatism in Turkey's large Kurdish population. But Erdogan said in an interview with CNN Turk television broadcast on Thursday that the remarks were the "personal" views of Buyukanit, and asserted his government's right to determine Turkish foreign policy.
"(Buyukanit's words) could never be an institutional statement. If it were, it would sow chaos in our democratic, secular, law-based state," Erdogan said, making clear it is not for the generals to decide who Turkey speaks to. "The last word, institutionally speaking, lies with the government," Erdogan added. Later on Thursday however, the military General Staff issued a curt statement saying: "The views expressed by the head of the General Staff are naturally not personal views but those of the General Staff as an institution."
Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan's government shares the army's concerns that Iraq's Kurds aim to set up an independent state and could fan separatism in Turkey's large Kurdish population. But Erdogan said in an interview with CNN Turk television broadcast on Thursday that the remarks were the "personal" views of Buyukanit, and asserted his government's right to determine Turkish foreign policy.
"(Buyukanit's words) could never be an institutional statement. If it were, it would sow chaos in our democratic, secular, law-based state," Erdogan said, making clear it is not for the generals to decide who Turkey speaks to. "The last word, institutionally speaking, lies with the government," Erdogan added. Later on Thursday however, the military General Staff issued a curt statement saying: "The views expressed by the head of the General Staff are naturally not personal views but those of the General Staff as an institution."
Labels: Kurds, Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey, Yasar Buyukanit
Saturday, February 17, 2007
Peshmerga controlling Kirkuk
Security, Politics
(McClatchy Newspapers) Kirkuk is a tinderbox of sects vying for control of an area with billions of dollars worth of oil, but the Iraqi army isn't a neutral presence, and many of its soldiers make no secret that their loyalty is to the Kurdish nation. The oil-rich city, which many fear is teetering on the brink of civil war, is off-limits to Kurdish Peshmerga militia members.
As with Shiite militias in Baghdad, the line between militia members and Iraqi security troops in Kirkuk is so thin that it at times doesn't exist. And U.S. plans to build Iraq's security forces - a process that has cost more than $15 billion nationwide - seem to have strengthened militias instead of discouraging them. The issue of loyalty with Iraqi security forces is proving to be the Achilles' heel of American plans to stabilize the war-torn nation. Without neutral Iraqi soldiers and police, an American withdrawal would almost certainly lead to greater sectarian bloodshed than Iraq is currently experiencing.
In June 2004, the American Coalition Provisional Authority issued an order outlawing militias and calling for their members to integrate into Iraq's security forces. An exemption was made for the Peshmerga, provided that they remained in Kurdistan, a semi-autonomous state in northern Iraq, and not move to outside areas like Kirkuk. Armed groups across Iraq reacted to the 2004 measure by enlisting in the army and police and maintaining large contingents of stand-alone militia groups, making them significantly more powerful.
In June 2004, the American Coalition Provisional Authority issued an order outlawing militias and calling for their members to integrate into Iraq's security forces. An exemption was made for the Peshmerga, provided that they remained in Kurdistan, a semi-autonomous state in northern Iraq, and not move to outside areas like Kirkuk. Armed groups across Iraq reacted to the 2004 measure by enlisting in the army and police and maintaining large contingents of stand-alone militia groups, making them significantly more powerful.
Asked by e-mail whether there were concerns about the Peshmerga influence on Iraqi troops around Kirkuk, U.S. Lt. Col. Michael Donnelly answered: "No. Our relationship with the IA (Iraqi Army) division is well established since our arrival here six months ago." Requests for comment from four senior U.S. military public affairs officers in Baghdad were unsuccessful.
The dispute over who will ultimately control Kirkuk, which has oil fields with reserves of at least 8.7 billion barrels, is a contentious and potentially catastrophic one, with the city's Arab, Kurd and Turkmen communities all claiming rightful ownership.
"The Kurds who surround Kirkuk claim to be Iraqi army, but their extensive presence on the outskirts of Kirkuk is designed to affect the ethnic balance of the city," said Ali Mahdi, a senior Turkmen political leader in Kirkuk and a member of the provincial council. "They are protecting their sect and working for the benefit of the Kurds in the city and not the others. This is dangerous for the future of the city."
The situation has serious geo-political implications: Neighboring Turkey, a crucial U.S. ally, fears that the Kurds will eventually declare independence if they gain Kirkuk, a move that could lead the large Kurdish population in Turkey to agitate for secession. Former dictator Saddam Hussein displaced tens of thousands of Kurdish families from Kirkuk, replacing them with Arabs, mainly from the Shiite south.
Iraq's constitution provides for a referendum to decide the matter of who will control Kirkuk by the end of this year; meanwhile, tens of thousands of Kurds have moved into the city since 2003, urged by Kurdish political parties to set up homes there. And the Peshmerga have continued to have deep ties with the Iraqi security forces.
"If the heavy presence of Peshmerga in Kirkuk and its outskirts continues as it is now, it will lead to a civil war in Kirkuk," said Abdullah al Obeidi, a Sunni Arab tribal leader and a member of the Kirkuk provincial council. Senior Kurdish leaders have said in public that they'll pursue only peaceful means to wrest control of the city. That same leadership has intentionally stocked Iraqi security forces with Peshmerga, said Fadil Haider, a senior member of the Kurdistan Islamic Union, a small but powerful political party, and a former member of the Iraqi national parliament.
The two main Kurdish parties - the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) - have done so as an insurance policy, he said. "I can give you two scenarios: If Iraq is in an all-out civil war, then the PUK and KDP have put themselves in a position to protect Kurdistan by very quickly taking Kirkuk and making it a part of an independent Kurdistan," Haider said. "Or, if we exhaust the peaceful, political means of gaining Kirkuk for Kurdistan, we will take it by force."
Kurdish officials are confident that when Kirkuk becomes a part of the Kurdish regional government, its security will be maintained by Peshmerga, a process that presumably would be made easier by the fact that so many Iraqi police and army there are former members, said Suzanne Shahab Nouri, a member of the regional Kurdish parliament. "The Kurdish Peshmerga forces are the strongest (Iraqi) military force in Iraq," said Jafar Mustafa Ali, the minister state for Peshmerga affairs - essentially a defense minister - in Sulaimaniyah. "If they (Kurdish opponents in Kirkuk) don't respect the democratic process, we could take over Kirkuk and they could do nothing."
"The Kurds who surround Kirkuk claim to be Iraqi army, but their extensive presence on the outskirts of Kirkuk is designed to affect the ethnic balance of the city," said Ali Mahdi, a senior Turkmen political leader in Kirkuk and a member of the provincial council. "They are protecting their sect and working for the benefit of the Kurds in the city and not the others. This is dangerous for the future of the city."
The situation has serious geo-political implications: Neighboring Turkey, a crucial U.S. ally, fears that the Kurds will eventually declare independence if they gain Kirkuk, a move that could lead the large Kurdish population in Turkey to agitate for secession. Former dictator Saddam Hussein displaced tens of thousands of Kurdish families from Kirkuk, replacing them with Arabs, mainly from the Shiite south.
Iraq's constitution provides for a referendum to decide the matter of who will control Kirkuk by the end of this year; meanwhile, tens of thousands of Kurds have moved into the city since 2003, urged by Kurdish political parties to set up homes there. And the Peshmerga have continued to have deep ties with the Iraqi security forces.
"If the heavy presence of Peshmerga in Kirkuk and its outskirts continues as it is now, it will lead to a civil war in Kirkuk," said Abdullah al Obeidi, a Sunni Arab tribal leader and a member of the Kirkuk provincial council. Senior Kurdish leaders have said in public that they'll pursue only peaceful means to wrest control of the city. That same leadership has intentionally stocked Iraqi security forces with Peshmerga, said Fadil Haider, a senior member of the Kurdistan Islamic Union, a small but powerful political party, and a former member of the Iraqi national parliament.
The two main Kurdish parties - the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) - have done so as an insurance policy, he said. "I can give you two scenarios: If Iraq is in an all-out civil war, then the PUK and KDP have put themselves in a position to protect Kurdistan by very quickly taking Kirkuk and making it a part of an independent Kurdistan," Haider said. "Or, if we exhaust the peaceful, political means of gaining Kirkuk for Kurdistan, we will take it by force."
Kurdish officials are confident that when Kirkuk becomes a part of the Kurdish regional government, its security will be maintained by Peshmerga, a process that presumably would be made easier by the fact that so many Iraqi police and army there are former members, said Suzanne Shahab Nouri, a member of the regional Kurdish parliament. "The Kurdish Peshmerga forces are the strongest (Iraqi) military force in Iraq," said Jafar Mustafa Ali, the minister state for Peshmerga affairs - essentially a defense minister - in Sulaimaniyah. "If they (Kurdish opponents in Kirkuk) don't respect the democratic process, we could take over Kirkuk and they could do nothing."
Labels: Arabs, Iraqi Army, KDP, Kirkuk, Kurds, Peshmerga, PUK, Turkomen
Wednesday, February 14, 2007
Possible war over Kirkuk
Security
(AP) While the world focuses on Baghdad's security, a series of bombings in Kirkuk may be the long-feared start of a second deadly war in Iraq -- this one between Kurds and Arabs, both with claims on a territory atop one of the world's largest oil reserves. If the escalating violence in Kirkuk erupts into all-out fighting between heavily armed Kurdish and Arab groups, it could spark a wider conflict involving Turkey or Iran. That risk puts the United States in a bind, caught between ally Turkey, which is on the side of Arabs and ethnic Turkomen here, and the Kurds, another strong U.S. ally.
The issue is coming to a head because of a provision in the Iraqi constitution that calls for a referendum by year's end on Kirkuk's future. Arabs and Turkomen, backed by Turkey, want to put the vote off -- worried about Kurdish dominance and more violence if the referendum is held and Kurds win. But Kurds are determined to press ahead. They deny it's because of the black gold in the ground.
In the past two weeks, the city 180 miles north of Baghdad has suffered a wave of bombings, including six car bombs on one day alone. One targeted a main Kurdish political organization. Another bomb this week seriously wounded a Kurdish teacher. Some Kurds claim that Sunni Arab groups with al-Qaida links are now operating here, but Turkomen and Arabs also have been hit by violence.
The dispute centers on whether this ancient city should become part of the semi-independent Kurdish zone in northeast Iraq, or remain as it is, part of broader Iraq, governed by the Arab-led coalition government in Baghdad. The referendum, whose date has not been agreed upon, would settle that by asking residents which they preferred.
Unlike in Baghdad, in Kirkuk there are sharp lines between the warring sides, a legacy of a battle for dominance here that predates the U.S.-led invasion of 2003. Chillingly, each side has increased its warnings that it is armed and ready to fight. Kurds, in particular, have well-armed, highly trained peshmerga militias with years of experience fighting in the past conflicts of northern Iraq. But Arabs too say they are ready to fight. "We tell the Kurdish political parties to have a clear understanding, that if they try to make Kirkuk a part of Iraqi Kurdistan, then war is coming here," warned Sheik Abdul Rahman Munshid, a Sunni Arab leader. Munshid's neighborhood is known for its links to Saddam's loyalists and Sunni insurgents, some with al-Qaida links, according to residents.
A powerful ally of the Arabs are the Turkomen, a minority in Iraq concentrated in the north. They accuse Kurds of intimidation bombings and kidnappings against them. They say that by resettling their people, the Kurds are changing the city's ethnic balance and taking away Arabs' and Turkomen's voting rights. "If Kirkuk goes to Kurdistan, we will fight. I will fight," warned Ali Mehdi Sadiq, a representative of the Turkomen. Such a war, he warns, "will bring in other countries in the region, Turkey and Iran. They care about what happens here."
American experts agree that the referendum carries high risks. The U.S. Iraq Study Group, the panel led by former Secretary of State James A. Baker III, said in its report in December that "given the very dangerous situation in Kirkuk ... a referendum on the future of Kirkuk would be explosive and should be delayed." So far, President Bush's administration has not supported canceling or delaying the vote. Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, a Kurd, has warned Turkey against interference.
So far, Turkey has held its fire, despite what is says are frequent provocations. Turkey has been fighting a Kurdish independence movement within its borders and has faced harassing attacks by Kurdish guerrillas, aided by allies who cross the border from Iraq. Turkey and Iran also fear an economic boom in Iraq's Kurdish region. Should Iraqi Kurds gain control over the Kirkuk oil fields, it could embolden and finance the Kurds inside their own countries to push harder for autonomy. Kirkuk has six oil fields containing one of Iraq's largest oil reserves of about 8 billion barrels.
Both Iran and Turkey have sent additional troops to their borders this year, and fights between Kurdish guerrillas and Iranian security forces also are up. There are no accurate figures of the numbers of Kurds to return to Kirkuk in the last three years, but estimates range as high as 300,000. Most believe Kurds are now a majority here. The last ethnic-breakdown census in Iraq was conducted in 1957, well before Saddam began his program to move Arabs to Kirkuk. That count showed 178,000 Kurds, 48,000 Turkomen, 43,000 Arabs and 10,000 Assyrian-Chaldean Christians living in the city.
The issue is coming to a head because of a provision in the Iraqi constitution that calls for a referendum by year's end on Kirkuk's future. Arabs and Turkomen, backed by Turkey, want to put the vote off -- worried about Kurdish dominance and more violence if the referendum is held and Kurds win. But Kurds are determined to press ahead. They deny it's because of the black gold in the ground.
In the past two weeks, the city 180 miles north of Baghdad has suffered a wave of bombings, including six car bombs on one day alone. One targeted a main Kurdish political organization. Another bomb this week seriously wounded a Kurdish teacher. Some Kurds claim that Sunni Arab groups with al-Qaida links are now operating here, but Turkomen and Arabs also have been hit by violence.
The dispute centers on whether this ancient city should become part of the semi-independent Kurdish zone in northeast Iraq, or remain as it is, part of broader Iraq, governed by the Arab-led coalition government in Baghdad. The referendum, whose date has not been agreed upon, would settle that by asking residents which they preferred.
Unlike in Baghdad, in Kirkuk there are sharp lines between the warring sides, a legacy of a battle for dominance here that predates the U.S.-led invasion of 2003. Chillingly, each side has increased its warnings that it is armed and ready to fight. Kurds, in particular, have well-armed, highly trained peshmerga militias with years of experience fighting in the past conflicts of northern Iraq. But Arabs too say they are ready to fight. "We tell the Kurdish political parties to have a clear understanding, that if they try to make Kirkuk a part of Iraqi Kurdistan, then war is coming here," warned Sheik Abdul Rahman Munshid, a Sunni Arab leader. Munshid's neighborhood is known for its links to Saddam's loyalists and Sunni insurgents, some with al-Qaida links, according to residents.
A powerful ally of the Arabs are the Turkomen, a minority in Iraq concentrated in the north. They accuse Kurds of intimidation bombings and kidnappings against them. They say that by resettling their people, the Kurds are changing the city's ethnic balance and taking away Arabs' and Turkomen's voting rights. "If Kirkuk goes to Kurdistan, we will fight. I will fight," warned Ali Mehdi Sadiq, a representative of the Turkomen. Such a war, he warns, "will bring in other countries in the region, Turkey and Iran. They care about what happens here."
American experts agree that the referendum carries high risks. The U.S. Iraq Study Group, the panel led by former Secretary of State James A. Baker III, said in its report in December that "given the very dangerous situation in Kirkuk ... a referendum on the future of Kirkuk would be explosive and should be delayed." So far, President Bush's administration has not supported canceling or delaying the vote. Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, a Kurd, has warned Turkey against interference.
So far, Turkey has held its fire, despite what is says are frequent provocations. Turkey has been fighting a Kurdish independence movement within its borders and has faced harassing attacks by Kurdish guerrillas, aided by allies who cross the border from Iraq. Turkey and Iran also fear an economic boom in Iraq's Kurdish region. Should Iraqi Kurds gain control over the Kirkuk oil fields, it could embolden and finance the Kurds inside their own countries to push harder for autonomy. Kirkuk has six oil fields containing one of Iraq's largest oil reserves of about 8 billion barrels.
Both Iran and Turkey have sent additional troops to their borders this year, and fights between Kurdish guerrillas and Iranian security forces also are up. There are no accurate figures of the numbers of Kurds to return to Kirkuk in the last three years, but estimates range as high as 300,000. Most believe Kurds are now a majority here. The last ethnic-breakdown census in Iraq was conducted in 1957, well before Saddam began his program to move Arabs to Kirkuk. That count showed 178,000 Kurds, 48,000 Turkomen, 43,000 Arabs and 10,000 Assyrian-Chaldean Christians living in the city.
Labels: Arabs, Iran, Kirkuk, Kurdistan, Kurds, Turkey, Turkomen
