Wednesday, October 17, 2007
U.S. commanders to begin drawdown of troops in Diyala
Security
(AP) -- Commanders in Iraq have decided to begin the drawdown of U.S. forces in volatile Diyala province, marking a turning point in the U.S. military mission, The Associated Press has learned. Instead of replacing the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Cavalry Division, which is returning to its home base at Fort Hood, Texas, in December, soldiers from another brigade in Salahuddin province next door will expand into Diyala, thereby broadening its area of responsibility, several officials said Tuesday.
In this way, the number of Army ground combat brigades in Iraq will fall from 20 to 19. This reflects President Bush's bid to begin reducing the American military force and shifting its role away from fighting the insurgency toward more support functions like training and advising Iraqi security forces.
The December move, which has not yet been announced by the Pentagon, was described to the AP by Col. Stephen Twitty, commander of the 4th Brigade, 1st Cavalry, in a telephone interview Tuesday. It was confirmed by three other officials in Iraq, including Lt. Col. Michael Donnelly, chief spokesman for the commanding general of U.S. forces in northern Iraq, Maj. Gen. Benjamin Mixon.
The idea is to avoid vacating a contested area, like Diyala, which is northeast of Baghdad, while beginning Bush's announced reduction of at least 21,500 troops, of which 17,000 were sent to the Baghdad area last spring. The shift in Diyala in December could be a model for follow-on reductions next year, with a redrawing of the U.S. lines of responsibility so that a departing brigade has its battle space consumed by a remaining brigade. At the same time, Iraqi security forces would assume greater responsibility.
Diyala province is a battered landscape of warring tribes, fertile valleys and pockets of al-Qaida fighters. The sectarian and tribal chasms are wide. Commanders cited signs of substantial progress in the months since thousands of U.S. and Iraqi forces stormed the provincial capital of Baqouba in June.
The unit leaving in December, the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Cavalry, has been in Iraq since October 2006. When it leaves, the 4th Stryker Brigade of the 2nd Infantry Division, now in Salahuddin province, will add Diyala to its area of responsibility.Donnelly said that even though the number of combat brigades in Iraq will drop by one with the departure of the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Cavalry, the total number of soldiers in northern Iraq will remain almost constant. That is because later in December a unit arriving from Fort Hood - the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment - has substantially more soldiers than the unit it will replace.
In this way, the number of Army ground combat brigades in Iraq will fall from 20 to 19. This reflects President Bush's bid to begin reducing the American military force and shifting its role away from fighting the insurgency toward more support functions like training and advising Iraqi security forces.
The December move, which has not yet been announced by the Pentagon, was described to the AP by Col. Stephen Twitty, commander of the 4th Brigade, 1st Cavalry, in a telephone interview Tuesday. It was confirmed by three other officials in Iraq, including Lt. Col. Michael Donnelly, chief spokesman for the commanding general of U.S. forces in northern Iraq, Maj. Gen. Benjamin Mixon.
The idea is to avoid vacating a contested area, like Diyala, which is northeast of Baghdad, while beginning Bush's announced reduction of at least 21,500 troops, of which 17,000 were sent to the Baghdad area last spring. The shift in Diyala in December could be a model for follow-on reductions next year, with a redrawing of the U.S. lines of responsibility so that a departing brigade has its battle space consumed by a remaining brigade. At the same time, Iraqi security forces would assume greater responsibility.
Diyala province is a battered landscape of warring tribes, fertile valleys and pockets of al-Qaida fighters. The sectarian and tribal chasms are wide. Commanders cited signs of substantial progress in the months since thousands of U.S. and Iraqi forces stormed the provincial capital of Baqouba in June.
The unit leaving in December, the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Cavalry, has been in Iraq since October 2006. When it leaves, the 4th Stryker Brigade of the 2nd Infantry Division, now in Salahuddin province, will add Diyala to its area of responsibility.Donnelly said that even though the number of combat brigades in Iraq will drop by one with the departure of the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Cavalry, the total number of soldiers in northern Iraq will remain almost constant. That is because later in December a unit arriving from Fort Hood - the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment - has substantially more soldiers than the unit it will replace.
Labels: Col. Stephen Twitty, Diyala, Lt. Col. Michael Donnelly, Salahuddin, U.S. military
Friday, October 05, 2007
U.S. military reports find Blackwater at fault
(Reuters) - U.S. military reports from the scene of a shooting incident in Baghdad involving security contractor Blackwater indicates its guards opened fire without provocation and used excessive force, The Washington Post reported on Friday. At least 11 Iraqis were killed in the Sept. 16 incident, which has outraged Iraqis who see the firm as a private army which acts with impunity.
Citing a senior U.S. military official, the Post said the military reports appear to corroborate the Iraqi government's contention that Blackwater was at fault. "It was obviously excessive. It was obviously wrong," a U.S. military official speaking on condition of anonymity told the newspaper. "The civilians that were fired upon, they didn't have any weapons to fire back at them. And none of the IP (Iraqi police) or any of the local security forces fired back at them," the official was quoted as saying.
The Blackwater guards appeared to have fired grenade launchers in addition to machine guns, the official told the Post. He said U.S. soldiers had reviewed statements from eyewitnesses and video footage recorded at the scene. An Iraqi Interior Ministry official and five eyewitnesses described a second deadly shooting involving the same Blackwater guards minutes after the incident in Nisoor Square, the Post reported.
The FBI is leading a State Department investigation of the incident, which occurred as Blackwater escorted a diplomatic convoy in western Baghdad. The Pentagon and a joint U.S.-Iraqi team are also looking into the incident. North Carolina-based Blackwater has said its guards reacted lawfully to an attack on the convoy they were protecting.
In previously unpublished remarks prepared for delivery at a congressional hearing, Blackwater Chairman Erik Prince said the Blackwater guards "came under small-arms fire" and "returned fire at threatening targets," the Post reported.
Portions of the remarks dealing with the incident were left out of his testimony after the Justice Department warned Blackwater the incident was under investigation, it reported. The Post did not say how they obtained these remarks. Blackwater is also under scrutiny over other shooting incidents involving Iraqis.
Citing a senior U.S. military official, the Post said the military reports appear to corroborate the Iraqi government's contention that Blackwater was at fault. "It was obviously excessive. It was obviously wrong," a U.S. military official speaking on condition of anonymity told the newspaper. "The civilians that were fired upon, they didn't have any weapons to fire back at them. And none of the IP (Iraqi police) or any of the local security forces fired back at them," the official was quoted as saying.
The Blackwater guards appeared to have fired grenade launchers in addition to machine guns, the official told the Post. He said U.S. soldiers had reviewed statements from eyewitnesses and video footage recorded at the scene. An Iraqi Interior Ministry official and five eyewitnesses described a second deadly shooting involving the same Blackwater guards minutes after the incident in Nisoor Square, the Post reported.
The FBI is leading a State Department investigation of the incident, which occurred as Blackwater escorted a diplomatic convoy in western Baghdad. The Pentagon and a joint U.S.-Iraqi team are also looking into the incident. North Carolina-based Blackwater has said its guards reacted lawfully to an attack on the convoy they were protecting.
In previously unpublished remarks prepared for delivery at a congressional hearing, Blackwater Chairman Erik Prince said the Blackwater guards "came under small-arms fire" and "returned fire at threatening targets," the Post reported.
Portions of the remarks dealing with the incident were left out of his testimony after the Justice Department warned Blackwater the incident was under investigation, it reported. The Post did not say how they obtained these remarks. Blackwater is also under scrutiny over other shooting incidents involving Iraqis.
Labels: Blackwater, FBI, U.S. military
Friday, September 14, 2007
U.S. military awards $475 mn. security contract to British firm
Contracts
(Washington Post) - The U.S. military confirmed yesterday that it awarded the largest security contract in Iraq to a private British firm, Aegis Defence Services, in a deal worth up to $475 million over two years. Aegis won the high-stakes derby over six other contenders, said sources who spoke on condition of anonymity because of the confidential nature of the bidding process.
The deal, however, is being challenged by another British company that bid on the contract. Erinys Iraq is seeking an injunction from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit to stop the Army from carrying out the contract. Erinys, which is also planning a separate appeal of the award to Aegis, had unsuccessfully sought to challenge the Army's decision in protests with the Government Accountability Office and the U.S. Court of Federal Claims.
Members of Congress, meanwhile, continue to raise questions about the use of foreign private security forces, such as Aegis, to protect U.S. commanders and soldiers. Federal lawmakers have requested that the GAO look into the use of private security contractors in Iraq. The Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction also is conducting its second audit of Aegis, based on a request from a member of Congress who has expressed concerns about the firm's chief executive, Tim Spicer. He is a retired British military officer whose previous private military company, Sandline International, had been hired to quell insurgencies in countries such as Papua New Guinea and Sierra Leone.
"We are very pleased to receive this award, which we believe is a fine reflection of both our previous performance and our ongoing commitment to serve our client, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Gulf Region Division, to the best of our ability," Spicer said in a statement. Aegis holds the current contract, a three-year deal worth $293 million, to provide intelligence services to the Army and security for the Army Corps of Engineers on reconstruction work in Iraq.
While a military official in Baghdad confirmed Aegis as the contract winner, he did not elaborate; an announcement is expected soon. It was unclear yesterday why Aegis prevailed over what sources said was the other top contender, another British firm, ArmorGroup International. But over the past several months, sources said Aegis worked to show the military that it had a strong track record, stressing that none of its U.S. military clients had been killed in three years while traveling more than 3 million miles in Iraq. Sources also said Aegis underscored to the military that it made little sense to change contractors by bringing in another private firm to oversee a complicated security operation with offices throughout Iraq just as U.S. forces were seeking to scale back and eventually withdraw from the country.
Aegis was not the lowest bidder, but it was close in price to ArmorGroup's proposal, sources said. ArmorGroup, which is one of the largest security firms in Iraq, with more than 1,200 employees, tried to persuade the military that it was a better choice than Aegis in part by stressing its track record for protecting clients in Iraq, sources said. ArmorGroup spokesman Patrick Toyne-Sewell declined to comment.
ArmorGroup also tried to highlight some of the controversies involving Spicer and Aegis, sources said. After winning the first U.S. Army contract, Aegis quickly ran into problems. A special inspector audit found that the company failed to perform adequate background checks on some Iraqi employees. The company said it had just won the contract and immediately addressed the issue.
Erinys, which has about 1,000 employees in Iraq and provides security for some military personnel there under a separate contract, has maintained that the Army did not thoroughly review its proposal and failed to follow procurement rules. An attorney for Erinys declined to comment.
Members of Congress, meanwhile, continue to raise questions about the use of foreign private security forces, such as Aegis, to protect U.S. commanders and soldiers. Federal lawmakers have requested that the GAO look into the use of private security contractors in Iraq. The Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction also is conducting its second audit of Aegis, based on a request from a member of Congress who has expressed concerns about the firm's chief executive, Tim Spicer. He is a retired British military officer whose previous private military company, Sandline International, had been hired to quell insurgencies in countries such as Papua New Guinea and Sierra Leone.
"We are very pleased to receive this award, which we believe is a fine reflection of both our previous performance and our ongoing commitment to serve our client, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Gulf Region Division, to the best of our ability," Spicer said in a statement. Aegis holds the current contract, a three-year deal worth $293 million, to provide intelligence services to the Army and security for the Army Corps of Engineers on reconstruction work in Iraq.
While a military official in Baghdad confirmed Aegis as the contract winner, he did not elaborate; an announcement is expected soon. It was unclear yesterday why Aegis prevailed over what sources said was the other top contender, another British firm, ArmorGroup International. But over the past several months, sources said Aegis worked to show the military that it had a strong track record, stressing that none of its U.S. military clients had been killed in three years while traveling more than 3 million miles in Iraq. Sources also said Aegis underscored to the military that it made little sense to change contractors by bringing in another private firm to oversee a complicated security operation with offices throughout Iraq just as U.S. forces were seeking to scale back and eventually withdraw from the country.
Aegis was not the lowest bidder, but it was close in price to ArmorGroup's proposal, sources said. ArmorGroup, which is one of the largest security firms in Iraq, with more than 1,200 employees, tried to persuade the military that it was a better choice than Aegis in part by stressing its track record for protecting clients in Iraq, sources said. ArmorGroup spokesman Patrick Toyne-Sewell declined to comment.
ArmorGroup also tried to highlight some of the controversies involving Spicer and Aegis, sources said. After winning the first U.S. Army contract, Aegis quickly ran into problems. A special inspector audit found that the company failed to perform adequate background checks on some Iraqi employees. The company said it had just won the contract and immediately addressed the issue.
Erinys, which has about 1,000 employees in Iraq and provides security for some military personnel there under a separate contract, has maintained that the Army did not thoroughly review its proposal and failed to follow procurement rules. An attorney for Erinys declined to comment.
Labels: Aegis Defense Services, Armorgroup, Erinys Iraq, GAO, GRD, Iraq, security contract, Tim Spicer, U.S. military, USACE
Thursday, September 13, 2007
U.S. military releases detainees in deal with vice-president
Politics
(Al Jazeera) - The US military in Iraq has announced the start of a programme that will see the release of 50 to 80 detainees a day during the Ramadan month. The military reached a deal with Tareq al-Hashemi, the Sunni Arab vice-president, last month to conduct "special Ramadan releases". It says it is holding 23,000 Iraqis.
On Thursday, Omar al-Jubouri, an adviser on human rights to al-Hashemi, said 43 Iraqis were freed from the Camp Cropper detention facility near Baghdad's international airport. Ramadan in Iraq began on Thursday for the Sunni population while the Shias will commence their daily fasting on Friday. "Task Force 134, the (US-led) organisation responsible for detainee operations, expects to release between 50 and 80 detainees per day during this holy month," a US military statement said.
Major-General Douglas Stone, commander of Task Force 134, said in the statement: "The detainees being released are only those who (US-led forces) have determined no longer need to be detained for imperative reasons of security." Around 20,000 detainees are held in US-run prisons in Iraq, mostly in Camp Bucca near the southern port city of Basra and in Camp Cropper near Baghdad. Al-Hashemi has long complained about the detention of Sunni Arabs.
The issue was a key factor that prompted the main Sunni bloc, the Accordance Front, to quit the government last month. The deal with the US military is separate from an accord that al-Hashemi signed with Iraq's top Shia and Kurdish leaders in August, which also called for the release of many detainees. Al-Jubouri said there had been no movement yet on freeing prisoners under that agreement. Some 32,000 detainees were being held in Iraqi detention facilities and prisons, he said.
Those eligible for release under Operation Lion's Paw, a joint venture between the Iraqi government and US-led forces, will be reviewed by an impartial board, Stone said. His statement said: "The process will be fair, open to all detainees who are qualified and will reflect the detainee population, with Sunni and Shia detainees reviewed equally and impartially. "This will be a completely non-sectarian, non-political process" that will allow prisoners to be home for Ramadan.
On Thursday, Omar al-Jubouri, an adviser on human rights to al-Hashemi, said 43 Iraqis were freed from the Camp Cropper detention facility near Baghdad's international airport. Ramadan in Iraq began on Thursday for the Sunni population while the Shias will commence their daily fasting on Friday. "Task Force 134, the (US-led) organisation responsible for detainee operations, expects to release between 50 and 80 detainees per day during this holy month," a US military statement said.
Major-General Douglas Stone, commander of Task Force 134, said in the statement: "The detainees being released are only those who (US-led forces) have determined no longer need to be detained for imperative reasons of security." Around 20,000 detainees are held in US-run prisons in Iraq, mostly in Camp Bucca near the southern port city of Basra and in Camp Cropper near Baghdad. Al-Hashemi has long complained about the detention of Sunni Arabs.
The issue was a key factor that prompted the main Sunni bloc, the Accordance Front, to quit the government last month. The deal with the US military is separate from an accord that al-Hashemi signed with Iraq's top Shia and Kurdish leaders in August, which also called for the release of many detainees. Al-Jubouri said there had been no movement yet on freeing prisoners under that agreement. Some 32,000 detainees were being held in Iraqi detention facilities and prisons, he said.
Those eligible for release under Operation Lion's Paw, a joint venture between the Iraqi government and US-led forces, will be reviewed by an impartial board, Stone said. His statement said: "The process will be fair, open to all detainees who are qualified and will reflect the detainee population, with Sunni and Shia detainees reviewed equally and impartially. "This will be a completely non-sectarian, non-political process" that will allow prisoners to be home for Ramadan.
Labels: Accord Front, Camp Bucca, Camp Cropper, detainees, Major-General Douglas Stone, Operation Lion's Paw, Ramadan, Tareq al-Hashemi, U.S. military
Thursday, September 06, 2007
The armies of Iraq
Security
(Al Jazeera) - Four years ago the fighting in Iraq was just beginning. The armed group al-Qaeda in Iraq did not even exist and Sunni and Shia groups were working together against the US-led forces. Three years ago, sectarian divisions escalated into a battle some believe has reached civil war proportions.
Now the fighters have turned against each other. This year has seen Shia infighting on the streets of Iraqi cities such as Karbala and Sunni armed groups fighting to keep al-Qaeda out of their regions. In a series of reports, Al Jazeera's Hoda Abdel Hamid looks at the new reality of Iraq's many armies.
Part One - Sunni armed groups
Sunni armed groups are a complicated web of alliances of Iraqi nationalists, Islamists, former Iraqi army officers and a few Baathists. For the past four years, the groups have become better organised and more popular among disaffected Sunnis. They see them as a legitimate resistance which also protects civilians from foreign troops and Shia militia death squads. These days most of the Sunni fighters are Iraqis, and that means the US and Iraqi governments have no choice but to talk to them. Sources say negotiations are under way, but until Sunni fighters feel their role in the future is recognised they are unlikely to give up their arms.
Click here to watch Part One
Part Two - Shia militias
The Mahdi Army is said to have morethan 60,000 militiamen [AFP]The conflict between Iraq's Shia rivals has been ongoing since 2003. The Jaish al-Mahdi, or Mahdi Army, is loyal to Shia leader Muqtada al Sadr. Said to have 60,000 men in its ranks, it is by far the biggest militia in Iraq. Its rival, the Badr organisation, is the military wing of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, previously known as the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. This influential Shia party was formed in Iran during the presidency of Saddam Hussein and its leaders were exultant after the US invasion.
Click here to watch Part Two
Part Three - Iraq's security forces
In the remote desert areas of Iraq, US soldiers are training Iraqi recruits to form the nation's new army and police force. But outside the cocoon of a training camp, the newly graduated security forces must tackle one of the most challenging environments in the world. The US is currently allied with some tribes in its fight against al-Qaeda. Incorporating Sunnis would ease some of the sectarian tensions. But the main question remains: When will the security forces be really able to deal with the challenges of Iraq?
Click here to watch Part Three
Part Four - The US army
They were supposedly welcomed as liberators who would bring freedom and democracy to Iraq. But the most powerful army in the world was not ready for handmade road-side bombs that have killed hundreds of soldiers so far and maimed thousands more. It blamed all the attacks in these early stages on al-Qaeda and disgruntled members of Saddam's former government. But now, on the eve of the report by General David Petraeus, head of US forces in Iraq, into the success of the recent troop "surge", the US presence in Iraq is already at the heart of the presidential debate in the US and withdrawing or staying has become a national debate.
Click here to watch Part Four
Part Five - Al-Qaeda
The Bush administration is building its new case to stay in Iraq as a war against al-Qaeda. However, it is not the largest group fighting today, nor is it the one that carries out most attacks - only 15 per cent in the first half of 2007 according to the US military. However, it is behind the vast majority of devastating car bombs and suicide attacks which fuel the sectarian war.
Now the fighters have turned against each other. This year has seen Shia infighting on the streets of Iraqi cities such as Karbala and Sunni armed groups fighting to keep al-Qaeda out of their regions. In a series of reports, Al Jazeera's Hoda Abdel Hamid looks at the new reality of Iraq's many armies.
Part One - Sunni armed groups
Sunni armed groups are a complicated web of alliances of Iraqi nationalists, Islamists, former Iraqi army officers and a few Baathists. For the past four years, the groups have become better organised and more popular among disaffected Sunnis. They see them as a legitimate resistance which also protects civilians from foreign troops and Shia militia death squads. These days most of the Sunni fighters are Iraqis, and that means the US and Iraqi governments have no choice but to talk to them. Sources say negotiations are under way, but until Sunni fighters feel their role in the future is recognised they are unlikely to give up their arms.
Click here to watch Part One
Part Two - Shia militias
The Mahdi Army is said to have morethan 60,000 militiamen [AFP]The conflict between Iraq's Shia rivals has been ongoing since 2003. The Jaish al-Mahdi, or Mahdi Army, is loyal to Shia leader Muqtada al Sadr. Said to have 60,000 men in its ranks, it is by far the biggest militia in Iraq. Its rival, the Badr organisation, is the military wing of the Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, previously known as the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. This influential Shia party was formed in Iran during the presidency of Saddam Hussein and its leaders were exultant after the US invasion.
Click here to watch Part Two
Part Three - Iraq's security forces
In the remote desert areas of Iraq, US soldiers are training Iraqi recruits to form the nation's new army and police force. But outside the cocoon of a training camp, the newly graduated security forces must tackle one of the most challenging environments in the world. The US is currently allied with some tribes in its fight against al-Qaeda. Incorporating Sunnis would ease some of the sectarian tensions. But the main question remains: When will the security forces be really able to deal with the challenges of Iraq?
Click here to watch Part Three
Part Four - The US army
They were supposedly welcomed as liberators who would bring freedom and democracy to Iraq. But the most powerful army in the world was not ready for handmade road-side bombs that have killed hundreds of soldiers so far and maimed thousands more. It blamed all the attacks in these early stages on al-Qaeda and disgruntled members of Saddam's former government. But now, on the eve of the report by General David Petraeus, head of US forces in Iraq, into the success of the recent troop "surge", the US presence in Iraq is already at the heart of the presidential debate in the US and withdrawing or staying has become a national debate.
Click here to watch Part Four
Part Five - Al-Qaeda
The Bush administration is building its new case to stay in Iraq as a war against al-Qaeda. However, it is not the largest group fighting today, nor is it the one that carries out most attacks - only 15 per cent in the first half of 2007 according to the US military. However, it is behind the vast majority of devastating car bombs and suicide attacks which fuel the sectarian war.
Labels: Al Qaeda, Iraq, Iraqi security forces, militants, security, Shia militias, Sunni armed groups, U.S. military
Thursday, August 30, 2007
Tribal Sheikhs Forming “Salvation Council” In Salah Ad Din
Security, Tribal
(Asharq Al Awsat Newspaper) - 29 AUG - A number of Salah Ad Din’s Tribal Sheikhs have announced the formation of a new organization to fight Al Qaeda in northern Iraq. The US Army is continuing to arm Iraqi Tribes in the country’s “hot areas” …areas such as Jurf Al Sakhar, [this area is sometimes considered to be part of] southern Baghdad Province [due to Provincial boundary changes made during Saddam’s era; but, previously (and presently by some Iraqis) this area was part of northern Babil Province].
130 Tribal Sheikhs in Salah Ad Din Province have decided to form a new organization in order to combat the “terrorist groups”. A US Army statement, “This historic agreement came about in the “birth city” of Iraq’s former President (Saddam Hussein). All of these Tribal Sheikhs have confirmed that they will support the local government in the fight against Al Qaeda.”
In a separate issue, another US Army statement said: a number of US Army commanders have approved a ‘plan to arm some Sunni Arab groups’. These groups have promised to fight “Al Qaeda”. Some anonymous US Army officers have said: this (or a similar) plan has been proven successful in Anbar Province. American officers have negotiated with Sunni Arab groups in four areas… especially (areas) in central and northern Iraq.
An anonymous source in Tikrit (Salah Ad Din) Province said: authorities in Tikrit have completed the formation of the “3rd Regiment of Salah Ad Din’s Salvation Forces”. (This Regiment will be) under the leadership of Sheikh Ahmed Al Rijja, a Sheikh of the Dulaim Tribe. This “3rd Regiment” has been named the “Jazeera Support Regiment…to pursue ‘Al Qaeda’.” The Jazeera area is an Al Qaeda occupied area of Salah Ad Din Province. This area (Jazeera) encompasses Lake ThirThar …and extends into Anbar Province.
A source confirmed that the first two “Regiments of Salah Ad Din’s Salvation Forces” were formed earlier this year. Those two regiments are deployed in eastern Salah Ad Din (Province)…between Tikrit and Tuz. These two Regiments are similar to the (Salvation) regiments which Anbar’s Salvation Council formed. The Anbar Salvation Council is an alliance of Sunni Arab tribes; and, it was formed in September 2006…in order to fight against Al Qaeda. The Anbar Salvation Council has been able to expel Al Qaeda from most areas of Anbar Province.
The idea to create “Salah Ad Din’s Salvation Forces” was rejected by a number of Salah Ad Din’s Tribal Sheikhs (the formation of these forces was not unanimous)… (It was) especially (objected to) by some Tribal Sheikhs in the areas of: Tikrit, Bayji, and Al Dor… These Sheikhs said that the formation of this (Salah Ad Din “Salvation”) Council will cause more sedition. Hamid Ibrahim Al Jabouri, who is a member of the Salah Ad Din “Salvation” Council, was attacked by insurgents only a few days after this Council was formed.
130 Tribal Sheikhs in Salah Ad Din Province have decided to form a new organization in order to combat the “terrorist groups”. A US Army statement, “This historic agreement came about in the “birth city” of Iraq’s former President (Saddam Hussein). All of these Tribal Sheikhs have confirmed that they will support the local government in the fight against Al Qaeda.”
In a separate issue, another US Army statement said: a number of US Army commanders have approved a ‘plan to arm some Sunni Arab groups’. These groups have promised to fight “Al Qaeda”. Some anonymous US Army officers have said: this (or a similar) plan has been proven successful in Anbar Province. American officers have negotiated with Sunni Arab groups in four areas… especially (areas) in central and northern Iraq.
An anonymous source in Tikrit (Salah Ad Din) Province said: authorities in Tikrit have completed the formation of the “3rd Regiment of Salah Ad Din’s Salvation Forces”. (This Regiment will be) under the leadership of Sheikh Ahmed Al Rijja, a Sheikh of the Dulaim Tribe. This “3rd Regiment” has been named the “Jazeera Support Regiment…to pursue ‘Al Qaeda’.” The Jazeera area is an Al Qaeda occupied area of Salah Ad Din Province. This area (Jazeera) encompasses Lake ThirThar …and extends into Anbar Province.
A source confirmed that the first two “Regiments of Salah Ad Din’s Salvation Forces” were formed earlier this year. Those two regiments are deployed in eastern Salah Ad Din (Province)…between Tikrit and Tuz. These two Regiments are similar to the (Salvation) regiments which Anbar’s Salvation Council formed. The Anbar Salvation Council is an alliance of Sunni Arab tribes; and, it was formed in September 2006…in order to fight against Al Qaeda. The Anbar Salvation Council has been able to expel Al Qaeda from most areas of Anbar Province.
The idea to create “Salah Ad Din’s Salvation Forces” was rejected by a number of Salah Ad Din’s Tribal Sheikhs (the formation of these forces was not unanimous)… (It was) especially (objected to) by some Tribal Sheikhs in the areas of: Tikrit, Bayji, and Al Dor… These Sheikhs said that the formation of this (Salah Ad Din “Salvation”) Council will cause more sedition. Hamid Ibrahim Al Jabouri, who is a member of the Salah Ad Din “Salvation” Council, was attacked by insurgents only a few days after this Council was formed.
Labels: Al Qaeda, Dulaim Tribe, Hamid Ibrahim Al Jabouri, Jazeera Support Regiment, Jurf Al Sakhar, Salah Ad Din, Salvation Forces, Sheikh Ahmed Al Rijja, Sunni militant groups, tribal sheiks, U.S. military
Tuesday, July 31, 2007
US Army: 1920 Revolutionary Battalions Has Reconciled With The Iraqi Government
Politics, Insurgency
(Al Mashriq Newspaper) - 30 JUL - Yesterday, reconciliation was achieved between 1920 Revolutionary Battalions and the Iraqi government with the assistance of the US Army. A US Army statement clarified that the goal of this reconciliation is to assist the Iraqi government and MNF to smash Al Qaida in Iraq. It is worthy to mention that Iraqi security officials were upset with the US Army arming some insurgent groups with the Iraqi government’s approval.
Labels: 1920 Revolutionary Battalions, Al Qaeda in Iraq, Iraqi government, reconciliation, U.S. military
Tuesday, July 24, 2007
Al-Qaeda members becoming informants for U.S. military
Insurgency
(The Times) - Fed up with being part of a group that cuts off a person’s face with piano wire to teach others a lesson, dozens of low-level members of al-Qaeda in Iraq are daring to become informants for the US military in a hostile Baghdad neighbourhood. The ground-breaking move in Doura is part of a wider trend that has started in other al-Qaeda hotspots across the country and in which Sunni insurgent groups and tribal sheikhs have stood together with the coalition against the extremist movement.
“They are turning. We are talking to people who we believe have worked for al-Qaeda in Iraq and want to reconcile and have peace,” said Colonel Ricky Gibbs, commander of the 4th Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, which oversees the area. The sewage-filled streets of Doura, a Sunni Arab enclave in south Baghdad, provide an ugly setting for what US commanders say is al-Qaeda’s last stronghold in the city. The secretive group, however, appears to be losing its grip as a “surge” of US troops in the neighbourhood – part of the latest effort by President Bush to end the chaos in Iraq – has resulted in scores of fighters being killed, captured or forced to flee.
“Al-Qaeda’s days are numbered and right now he is scrambling,” said Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen Michael, who commands a battalion of 700 troops in Doura. A key factor is that local people and members of al-Qaeda itself have become sickened by the violence and are starting to rebel, Lieutenant-Colonel Michael said. “The people have got to deny them sanctuary and that is exactly what is happening.”
Al-Qaeda informants comprise largely members of the Doura network who found themselves either working with the group after the US-led invasion in March 2003, or signed up to earn extra cash because there were no other jobs going. Disgusted at the attacks and intimidation techniques used on friends, neighbours and even relatives, they are now increasingly looking for a way out, US officers say.
“It is only after al-Qaeda has become truly barbaric and done things like, to teach lessons to people, cut their face off with piano wire in front of their family and then murdered everybody except one child who told the tale afterwards . . . that people realise how much of a mess they are in,” Lieutenant James Danly, 31, who works on military intelligence in Doura, said.
It is impossible to corroborate the claims, but he said that scores of junior al-Qaeda in Iraq members there had become informants since May, including one low-level cell leader who gave vital information after his arrest. “He gave us dates, places and names and who did what,” Lieutenant Danly said. When asked why he was being so forthcoming, the man said: “Because I am sick of it and I hate them, and I am done.”
Working with insurgents – even those who claim to have switched sides – is a leap of faith for both sides. Every informant who visits Forward Operating Base Falcon, a vast military camp on the southern outskirts of Baghdad, is blindfolded when brought in and out to avoid gleaning any information about his surroundings.
The risk sometimes pays off. A recent tip-off led to the fatal shooting of Abu Kaldoun, one of three senior al-Qaeda leaders in Doura, during a US raid last week. “He was turned in by one of his own,” Colonel Michael said.
Progress with making contacts and gathering actionable information is slow because al-Qaeda has persuasive methods of keeping people quiet. This month it beheaded two men in the street and pinned a note on to their corpses giving warning that anyone who cooperated with US troops would meet the same fate.
The increased presence of US forces in Doura, however, is encouraging insiders to overcome their fear and divulge what they know. Convoys of US soldiers are working the rubble-strewn streets day and night, knocking on doors, speaking to locals and following up leads on possible insurgent hideouts.
“People in al-Qaeda come to us and give us information,” said Lieutenant Scott Flanigan, as he drove past a line of fruit and vegetable stalls near a shabby shopping street in Doura, where people were buying bread and other groceries. The informants were not seeking an amnesty for crimes that they had committed. “They just do not want to be killed,” Lieutenant Flanigan said.
Jordanian-born Abu Musab al-Zarqawi – who was killed in a US raid last year – established the Iraqi al-Qaeda network in 2004, but opinions differ on its compilation, size and capabilities. Some military experts believe that the group is a cell-based network of chapters who are loosely linked to an overall leader by go-between operatives.
Others, however, describe al-Qaeda in Iraq as a sort of franchise, with separate cells around the country that use the brand – made infamous by Osama bin Laden – and cultural ideology but do not work closely with each other or for one overriding leader. Despite the uncertainties one thing seems guaranteed. A hardcore of people calling themselves al-Qaeda in Iraq remains devoted to the extremist cause and is determined to fight on whatever the cost.
“They are turning. We are talking to people who we believe have worked for al-Qaeda in Iraq and want to reconcile and have peace,” said Colonel Ricky Gibbs, commander of the 4th Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, which oversees the area. The sewage-filled streets of Doura, a Sunni Arab enclave in south Baghdad, provide an ugly setting for what US commanders say is al-Qaeda’s last stronghold in the city. The secretive group, however, appears to be losing its grip as a “surge” of US troops in the neighbourhood – part of the latest effort by President Bush to end the chaos in Iraq – has resulted in scores of fighters being killed, captured or forced to flee.
“Al-Qaeda’s days are numbered and right now he is scrambling,” said Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen Michael, who commands a battalion of 700 troops in Doura. A key factor is that local people and members of al-Qaeda itself have become sickened by the violence and are starting to rebel, Lieutenant-Colonel Michael said. “The people have got to deny them sanctuary and that is exactly what is happening.”
Al-Qaeda informants comprise largely members of the Doura network who found themselves either working with the group after the US-led invasion in March 2003, or signed up to earn extra cash because there were no other jobs going. Disgusted at the attacks and intimidation techniques used on friends, neighbours and even relatives, they are now increasingly looking for a way out, US officers say.
“It is only after al-Qaeda has become truly barbaric and done things like, to teach lessons to people, cut their face off with piano wire in front of their family and then murdered everybody except one child who told the tale afterwards . . . that people realise how much of a mess they are in,” Lieutenant James Danly, 31, who works on military intelligence in Doura, said.
It is impossible to corroborate the claims, but he said that scores of junior al-Qaeda in Iraq members there had become informants since May, including one low-level cell leader who gave vital information after his arrest. “He gave us dates, places and names and who did what,” Lieutenant Danly said. When asked why he was being so forthcoming, the man said: “Because I am sick of it and I hate them, and I am done.”
Working with insurgents – even those who claim to have switched sides – is a leap of faith for both sides. Every informant who visits Forward Operating Base Falcon, a vast military camp on the southern outskirts of Baghdad, is blindfolded when brought in and out to avoid gleaning any information about his surroundings.
The risk sometimes pays off. A recent tip-off led to the fatal shooting of Abu Kaldoun, one of three senior al-Qaeda leaders in Doura, during a US raid last week. “He was turned in by one of his own,” Colonel Michael said.
Progress with making contacts and gathering actionable information is slow because al-Qaeda has persuasive methods of keeping people quiet. This month it beheaded two men in the street and pinned a note on to their corpses giving warning that anyone who cooperated with US troops would meet the same fate.
The increased presence of US forces in Doura, however, is encouraging insiders to overcome their fear and divulge what they know. Convoys of US soldiers are working the rubble-strewn streets day and night, knocking on doors, speaking to locals and following up leads on possible insurgent hideouts.
“People in al-Qaeda come to us and give us information,” said Lieutenant Scott Flanigan, as he drove past a line of fruit and vegetable stalls near a shabby shopping street in Doura, where people were buying bread and other groceries. The informants were not seeking an amnesty for crimes that they had committed. “They just do not want to be killed,” Lieutenant Flanigan said.
Jordanian-born Abu Musab al-Zarqawi – who was killed in a US raid last year – established the Iraqi al-Qaeda network in 2004, but opinions differ on its compilation, size and capabilities. Some military experts believe that the group is a cell-based network of chapters who are loosely linked to an overall leader by go-between operatives.
Others, however, describe al-Qaeda in Iraq as a sort of franchise, with separate cells around the country that use the brand – made infamous by Osama bin Laden – and cultural ideology but do not work closely with each other or for one overriding leader. Despite the uncertainties one thing seems guaranteed. A hardcore of people calling themselves al-Qaeda in Iraq remains devoted to the extremist cause and is determined to fight on whatever the cost.
Labels: Abu Kaldoun, Al Qaeda in Iraq, Colonel Ricky Gibbs, Doura, Forward Operating Base Falcon, informants, Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen Michael, U.S. military
Friday, July 20, 2007
Group splits from Islamic Army in Iraq which highlights importance of working with tribes
Insurgency, Tribal
(RFE/RL) - A group calling itself the Al-Furqan Army has announced its decision to split from the Islamic Army in Iraq, claiming that the Islamic Army has engaged in the political process through talks with the U.S. military, Al-Jazeera television reported on July 18. Islamic Army in Iraq spokesman Ibrahim al-Shammari told Al-Jazeera in an interview that the Al-Furqan Army is "a very small group," adding that the split came after the Al-Furqan Army adopted "policies that go against the Islamic Army's" stance.
Despite the apparent tensions, al-Shammari expressed disappointment over the split, saying: "We wish that the number of mujahedin increase, but not under pseudonyms. Separation is not the character of Islamic action." Al-Shammari also denied that the Islamic Army in Iraq engaged in any talks with the U.S. military. He said the army's position that the Iraqi people are free to choose whether or not to participate in the political process through the Iraqi Accordance Front is well-known. That position, he maintained, does not conflict with the group's determination to fight U.S. and Iraqi forces.
The Islamic Army in Iraq's online bimonthly magazine, "Al-Fursan" (The Knights), noted in its July issue, posted on the Internet on July 17, that the Jihad and Reform Front will work to establish better relations with tribal leaders. The front was formed in May by brigades from the Islamic Army in Iraq, the Mujahedin Army, and the Ansar Al-Sunnah Army.
An unidentified editor wrote in the magazine that establishing better relations with the tribes is a "key priority" of the front, and should be handled carefully. The writer stressed the importance of the tribes in sheltering insurgents. He criticized the Al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamic State of Iraq for harming relations between insurgents and tribes, saying the Islamic State's reckless behavior has prompted some tribes to begin working with U.S. and Iraqi forces to fight the insurgency.
Labels: Al-Furqan Army, Al-Fursan, Ansar al-Sunnah, Ibrahim al-Shammari, Iraqi Accordance Front, Islamic Army in Iraq, Jihad and Reform Front, Mujahideen Army, tribal leaders, U.S. military
Monday, July 02, 2007
U.S. accuses Iran of masterminding attacks on coalition
Security
(Gulf News) - The US military in Iraq has accused Iran of masterminding attacks aimed at coalition troops in Iraq and for arming and training Shiite militants. Military spokesman Brigadier-General Kevin Bergner said that the information came from a top Hezbollah fighter who was recently captured in Iraq.
Bergner said that senior Iranian leaders know about the operations of Iran’s Qods Force in Iraq. "We also understand that senior Iraqi leaders have expressed their concerns to the Iranian government about the activities," he said. Bergner said the United States had discovered three small camps near Tehran where Iraqi militants were trained by Qods Force and Hezbollah operatives.
He said that the Qods Force was also involved in an attack in Kerbala in January when gunmen, disguised as Americans, entered a government compound and killed a US soldier and abducted four others whom they later killed. He added that the military has detained a Hezbollah veteran, Ali Mussa Daqduq, who was in Iraq to organise secret cells to mirror Hezbollah's structure in Lebanon.
Iran denies involvement in the violence in Iraq and blames the US-led invasion in 2003 for the bloodshed. Iran's Defence Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar dismissed the US claim as a "sheer lie". Iran does not officially acknowledge the existence of the Qods Force. Military experts say it is a wing of Iran's Revolutionary Guards.
Bergner said that senior Iranian leaders know about the operations of Iran’s Qods Force in Iraq. "We also understand that senior Iraqi leaders have expressed their concerns to the Iranian government about the activities," he said. Bergner said the United States had discovered three small camps near Tehran where Iraqi militants were trained by Qods Force and Hezbollah operatives.
He said that the Qods Force was also involved in an attack in Kerbala in January when gunmen, disguised as Americans, entered a government compound and killed a US soldier and abducted four others whom they later killed. He added that the military has detained a Hezbollah veteran, Ali Mussa Daqduq, who was in Iraq to organise secret cells to mirror Hezbollah's structure in Lebanon.
Iran denies involvement in the violence in Iraq and blames the US-led invasion in 2003 for the bloodshed. Iran's Defence Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar dismissed the US claim as a "sheer lie". Iran does not officially acknowledge the existence of the Qods Force. Military experts say it is a wing of Iran's Revolutionary Guards.
Labels: Ali Mussa Daqduq, Brigadier-General Kevin Bergner, Hezbollah, Iran, Kerbala, Mostafa Mohammad Najjar, Quds Force, Shia militias, U.S. military
Maliki condemns U.S. raid on Sadr City
Security
(Al Jazeera) - Iraq's prime minister has condemned a US raid on Baghdad's Sadr City which left 26 people dead. Nouri al-Maliki said the military operations were "conducted without prior approval from the Iraqi military command". He has demanded an explanation from the US authorities and said anyone who breeches military orders will face an investigation.
Residents accused American troops of killing eight civilians in their homes and "firing wildly" during the raid in the mainly Shia district early on Saturday morning. The US military in Iraq said it killed 26 people, all of them "gunmen" linked to "Iranian terror networks".
Coalition forces conducted two separate raids targeting suspected secret cell terrorists during pre-dawn hours Saturday in Sadr City," the statement said. "It is believed that the suspected terrorists have close ties to Iranian terror networks and are responsible for facilitating the flow of lethal aid into Iraq. Seventeen more people were detained, it said.
Residents accused American troops of killing eight civilians in their homes and "firing wildly" during the raid in the mainly Shia district early on Saturday morning. The US military in Iraq said it killed 26 people, all of them "gunmen" linked to "Iranian terror networks".
Coalition forces conducted two separate raids targeting suspected secret cell terrorists during pre-dawn hours Saturday in Sadr City," the statement said. "It is believed that the suspected terrorists have close ties to Iranian terror networks and are responsible for facilitating the flow of lethal aid into Iraq. Seventeen more people were detained, it said.
The statement said US soldiers faced "significant" resistance during the pre-dawn raids, including roadside bomb attacks as well as fire from rocket-propelled grenades and light weapons."Everyone who got shot was shooting at US troops at the time," said Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, "it was an intense firefight".
Labels: Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, Nouri Al-Maliki, Sadr City, U.S. military
Monday, June 11, 2007
American commanders start arming Sunni militants to fight Al Qaeda
Security
(International Herald Tribune) - With the four-month-old increase in American troops showing only modest success in curbing insurgent attacks, American commanders are turning to another strategy that they acknowledge is fraught with risk: arming Sunni Arab groups that have promised to fight militants linked with Al Qaeda who have been their allies in the past.
American commanders say they have successfully tested the strategy in Anbar Province west of Baghdad and have held talks with Sunni groups in at least four areas of central and north-central Iraq where the insurgency has been strong. In some cases, the American commanders say, the Sunni groups are suspected of involvement in past attacks on American troops or of links to such groups. Some of these groups, they say, have been provided, usually through Iraqi military units allied with the Americans, with arms, ammunition, cash, fuel and supplies.
American officers who have engaged in what they call outreach to the Sunni groups say many of them have had past links to Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia but grew disillusioned with the Islamic militants' extremist tactics, particularly suicide bombings that have killed thousands of Iraqi civilians. In exchange for American backing, these officials say, the Sunni groups have agreed to fight Al Qaeda and halt attacks on American units. Commanders who have undertaken these negotiations say that in some cases, Sunni groups have agreed to alert American troops to the location of roadside bombs and other lethal boobytraps.
But critics of the strategy, including some American officers, say it could amount to the Americans' arming both sides in a future civil war. The United States has spent more than $15 billion in building up Iraq's army and police force, whose manpower of 350,000 is heavily Shiite. With an American troop drawdown increasingly likely in the next year, and little sign of a political accommodation between Shiite and Sunni politicians in Baghdad, the critics say, there is a risk that any weapons given to Sunni groups will eventually be used against Shiites. There is also the possibility the weapons could be used against the Americans themselves.
American field commanders met this month in Baghdad with General David Petraeus, the top American commander in Iraq, to discuss the conditions Sunni groups would have to meet to win American assistance. Senior officers who attended the meeting said that Petraeus and the operational commander who is the second-ranking American officer here, Lieutenant General Raymond Odierno, gave cautious approval to field commanders to negotiate with Sunni groups in their areas.
One commander who attended the meeting said that despite the risks entailed in arming groups that have until now fought against the Americans, the potential gains against Al Qaeda were too great to be missed. He said the strategy held out the prospect of finally driving a wedge between two wings of the Sunni insurgency that had previously worked in a devastating alliance — die-hard loyalists of Saddam Hussein's formerly dominant Baath Party, and Islamic militants belonging to a constellation of Qaeda-linked groups.
(International Herald Tribune) - With the four-month-old increase in American troops showing only modest success in curbing insurgent attacks, American commanders are turning to another strategy that they acknowledge is fraught with risk: arming Sunni Arab groups that have promised to fight militants linked with Al Qaeda who have been their allies in the past.
American commanders say they have successfully tested the strategy in Anbar Province west of Baghdad and have held talks with Sunni groups in at least four areas of central and north-central Iraq where the insurgency has been strong. In some cases, the American commanders say, the Sunni groups are suspected of involvement in past attacks on American troops or of links to such groups. Some of these groups, they say, have been provided, usually through Iraqi military units allied with the Americans, with arms, ammunition, cash, fuel and supplies.
American officers who have engaged in what they call outreach to the Sunni groups say many of them have had past links to Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia but grew disillusioned with the Islamic militants' extremist tactics, particularly suicide bombings that have killed thousands of Iraqi civilians. In exchange for American backing, these officials say, the Sunni groups have agreed to fight Al Qaeda and halt attacks on American units. Commanders who have undertaken these negotiations say that in some cases, Sunni groups have agreed to alert American troops to the location of roadside bombs and other lethal boobytraps.
But critics of the strategy, including some American officers, say it could amount to the Americans' arming both sides in a future civil war. The United States has spent more than $15 billion in building up Iraq's army and police force, whose manpower of 350,000 is heavily Shiite. With an American troop drawdown increasingly likely in the next year, and little sign of a political accommodation between Shiite and Sunni politicians in Baghdad, the critics say, there is a risk that any weapons given to Sunni groups will eventually be used against Shiites. There is also the possibility the weapons could be used against the Americans themselves.
American field commanders met this month in Baghdad with General David Petraeus, the top American commander in Iraq, to discuss the conditions Sunni groups would have to meet to win American assistance. Senior officers who attended the meeting said that Petraeus and the operational commander who is the second-ranking American officer here, Lieutenant General Raymond Odierno, gave cautious approval to field commanders to negotiate with Sunni groups in their areas.
One commander who attended the meeting said that despite the risks entailed in arming groups that have until now fought against the Americans, the potential gains against Al Qaeda were too great to be missed. He said the strategy held out the prospect of finally driving a wedge between two wings of the Sunni insurgency that had previously worked in a devastating alliance — die-hard loyalists of Saddam Hussein's formerly dominant Baath Party, and Islamic militants belonging to a constellation of Qaeda-linked groups.
Labels: Al Qaeda, Sunni militant groups, U.S. military
Monday, June 04, 2007
U.S. military issues M-16 rifles to some Iraqi troops
Security
HOW THE RIFLES COMPARE
(McClatchy Newspapers) - The U.S. military in Iraq has begun issuing American M-16 rifles to some Iraq troops in exchange for their AK-47 rifles, the cheap and sturdy weapon that currently hangs from the shoulder of virtually every Iraqi soldier, police officer, insurgent and militiaman.
U.S. military officials describe the switch, part of a $2 billion arms purchase for the country's fledgling security soldiers, as a modernization and a vote of confidence in Iraqi troops. The M-16 requires more care than the rugged and familiar AK-47, and demands a better-trained soldier.
That confidence extends only so far, however. With Iraq's security services infiltrated by both Sunni Muslim insurgents and Shiite militias, the U.S. military is requiring that each Iraqi soldier turn in his AK-47, take four days of training, and be photographed with the serial number of his new M-16.
Because the two weapons use different size ammunition, U.S. and Iraqi military leaders hope the change will staunch the flow of ammunition to bad guys. No one, though, thinks the AK-47 or its bullets will vanish from the war-torn Iraqi landscape any time soon.
"The different ammunition will prevent stealing," said Haida Mahmoud, a 31-year-old member of an Iraqi army quick response team in Wasit province southeast of Baghdad. "Now we only get half of the ammunition we should because the other half is stolen."
The AK-47 was developed in the Soviet Union in 1947 by Mikhail Kalashnikov - its name is an abbreviation for Automatic Kalashnikov-1947 - and is renowned for its ease of operation and ability to withstand miserable conditions. The M-16, which U.S. troops began using during the Vietnam War, is considered more accurate and lighter, but also more complicated to keep clean and operate.
U.S. military officials estimated before the war that between 1 million and 7 million AK-47s were in private hands in Iraq. Some reportedly sold for as little as $10. The number of Kalashnikovs only grew when the Iraqi military collapsed and many troops walked off with their AK-47s - some to defend their homes, others to fill arsenals of sectarian militias or insurgent groups.
At the same time, Iraq's porous borders with Syria and Iran make easy smuggling routes for small arms.
"The Middle East, and Iraq in particular, is awash in both AK-47s and AK-47 ammo," said Charles Heyman, a retired British infantry officer and the editor of Armed Forces of the United Kingdom. "It's not going away."
Still, Heyman said that arming Iraqi soldiers with the same weapons as the Americans they're fighting alongside is a savvy logistical move.
The U.S. troop surge that began three months ago, and the companion effort to increase security in Baghdad, puts U.S. and Iraqi soldiers together in what the military calls "joint security stations." Those work something like neighborhood precinct stations where American and Iraqi troops often share living quarters and supplies.
To keep them armed with incompatible weapons would be like issuing half an office staff Windows-based computers and the rest iMacs. Heyman said dumping the Kalashnikovs, then, streamlines operations. It also will make it more difficult for insurgents to make use of weapons that they capture or steal from official Iraqi arsenals.
Weapons theft has been rampant in Iraq. The Iraq Study Group report issued last year found "there are ample reports of Iraqi police officers participating in training in order to obtain a weapon, uniform, and ammunition for use in sectarian violence."
The Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction concluded in a November 2006 audit that only 2 percent of the serial numbers were recorded of more than 500,000 U.S. weapons legally transferred to the country. Those weapons ranged from pistols to rocket launchers.
"The United States has no idea what happened to the majority of weapons it brought into the country," said Rachel Stohl, a senior analyst and small arms specialist for the Center for Defense Information. "We do know these weapons, in conjunction with the millions already in the country left from Saddam's era, are being used to perpetuate the violence and continued instability throughout Iraq."
Publicly, Iraqi defense officials and troops call the switch an endorsement of what they say is their growing professionalism. "We are modernizing our Army and this is the more modern weapon," said Maj. Gen. Majid Jwad, one of the Iraqis who test-fired both guns and weighed in on the decision.
Already, more than 1,000 Iraqi soldiers have made the switch to the $1,000 rifles, with three-fourths of the cost paid by the Iraqi government. The first M-16s, and M-4s for officers, have been placed with Iraqi troops who're working in concert with American troops in Baghdad. None has been given to police units, which are considered less reliable and more corrupt. But eventually their day will come, too.
Soldiers have to adapt to some differences. The Kalashnikov can fire its entire magazine with a single pull of the trigger. The M-16 - in a reflection of Americans' preference for precision soldiering - tops out at three-shot bursts. "We can't just hand them out from the back of a truck and say, `Hey, here's your weapon,'" said Col. David Dornblaser, a security assistance officer helping the Iraqis with their foreign arms buys. But the switch will be worth it, he said, because trafficking the new rifles will be difficult. Someone out of uniform carrying an M-16 would more obviously be toting a stolen weapon.
HOW THE RIFLES COMPARE
(McClatchy Newspapers) - The U.S. military in Iraq has begun issuing American M-16 rifles to some Iraq troops in exchange for their AK-47 rifles, the cheap and sturdy weapon that currently hangs from the shoulder of virtually every Iraqi soldier, police officer, insurgent and militiaman.
U.S. military officials describe the switch, part of a $2 billion arms purchase for the country's fledgling security soldiers, as a modernization and a vote of confidence in Iraqi troops. The M-16 requires more care than the rugged and familiar AK-47, and demands a better-trained soldier.
That confidence extends only so far, however. With Iraq's security services infiltrated by both Sunni Muslim insurgents and Shiite militias, the U.S. military is requiring that each Iraqi soldier turn in his AK-47, take four days of training, and be photographed with the serial number of his new M-16.
Because the two weapons use different size ammunition, U.S. and Iraqi military leaders hope the change will staunch the flow of ammunition to bad guys. No one, though, thinks the AK-47 or its bullets will vanish from the war-torn Iraqi landscape any time soon.
"The different ammunition will prevent stealing," said Haida Mahmoud, a 31-year-old member of an Iraqi army quick response team in Wasit province southeast of Baghdad. "Now we only get half of the ammunition we should because the other half is stolen."
The AK-47 was developed in the Soviet Union in 1947 by Mikhail Kalashnikov - its name is an abbreviation for Automatic Kalashnikov-1947 - and is renowned for its ease of operation and ability to withstand miserable conditions. The M-16, which U.S. troops began using during the Vietnam War, is considered more accurate and lighter, but also more complicated to keep clean and operate.
U.S. military officials estimated before the war that between 1 million and 7 million AK-47s were in private hands in Iraq. Some reportedly sold for as little as $10. The number of Kalashnikovs only grew when the Iraqi military collapsed and many troops walked off with their AK-47s - some to defend their homes, others to fill arsenals of sectarian militias or insurgent groups.
At the same time, Iraq's porous borders with Syria and Iran make easy smuggling routes for small arms.
"The Middle East, and Iraq in particular, is awash in both AK-47s and AK-47 ammo," said Charles Heyman, a retired British infantry officer and the editor of Armed Forces of the United Kingdom. "It's not going away."
Still, Heyman said that arming Iraqi soldiers with the same weapons as the Americans they're fighting alongside is a savvy logistical move.
The U.S. troop surge that began three months ago, and the companion effort to increase security in Baghdad, puts U.S. and Iraqi soldiers together in what the military calls "joint security stations." Those work something like neighborhood precinct stations where American and Iraqi troops often share living quarters and supplies.
To keep them armed with incompatible weapons would be like issuing half an office staff Windows-based computers and the rest iMacs. Heyman said dumping the Kalashnikovs, then, streamlines operations. It also will make it more difficult for insurgents to make use of weapons that they capture or steal from official Iraqi arsenals.
Weapons theft has been rampant in Iraq. The Iraq Study Group report issued last year found "there are ample reports of Iraqi police officers participating in training in order to obtain a weapon, uniform, and ammunition for use in sectarian violence."
The Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction concluded in a November 2006 audit that only 2 percent of the serial numbers were recorded of more than 500,000 U.S. weapons legally transferred to the country. Those weapons ranged from pistols to rocket launchers.
"The United States has no idea what happened to the majority of weapons it brought into the country," said Rachel Stohl, a senior analyst and small arms specialist for the Center for Defense Information. "We do know these weapons, in conjunction with the millions already in the country left from Saddam's era, are being used to perpetuate the violence and continued instability throughout Iraq."
Publicly, Iraqi defense officials and troops call the switch an endorsement of what they say is their growing professionalism. "We are modernizing our Army and this is the more modern weapon," said Maj. Gen. Majid Jwad, one of the Iraqis who test-fired both guns and weighed in on the decision.
Already, more than 1,000 Iraqi soldiers have made the switch to the $1,000 rifles, with three-fourths of the cost paid by the Iraqi government. The first M-16s, and M-4s for officers, have been placed with Iraqi troops who're working in concert with American troops in Baghdad. None has been given to police units, which are considered less reliable and more corrupt. But eventually their day will come, too.
Soldiers have to adapt to some differences. The Kalashnikov can fire its entire magazine with a single pull of the trigger. The M-16 - in a reflection of Americans' preference for precision soldiering - tops out at three-shot bursts. "We can't just hand them out from the back of a truck and say, `Hey, here's your weapon,'" said Col. David Dornblaser, a security assistance officer helping the Iraqis with their foreign arms buys. But the switch will be worth it, he said, because trafficking the new rifles will be difficult. Someone out of uniform carrying an M-16 would more obviously be toting a stolen weapon.
Labels: AK-47, Iraqi Army, M-16 rifles, M-4 rifles, U.S. military
Iraqi industries to support U.S. military in Iraq
Industry
(AFP) - After years using outside contractors to tend to the needs of its Iraq bases, the US military is now building zones outside its army posts so Iraqi businesses can actually benefit from their presence. The plan, which has been several months in preparation, is part of a wider effort to stimulate local employment and end years of funnelling lucrative contracts to providers from outside the country.
"Let's get American and third country contractors out of that business and let's get Iraqis into that business," Brigadier Steven Anderson, a driving force behind the programme, told AFP. "Let's get Iraqis employed and get them out of the bomb-making business and into the support-providing business," added the deputy chief of staff for resources and sustainment.
The Iraq-based industrial zone (I-BIZ) programme was conceived last year when military commanders recognised the need to boost employment to put a dent in the violence raging throughout the country. "There is a clear focus both by the Iraqi government and on the part of the US mission of beginning this process to see more jobs created," a US official in Baghdad told reporters in May.
The idea is comparatively simple and mirrors the support industries to be found outside US bases in South Korea and Germany. It will involve building a protected area for Iraqis to provide products, services and maintenance.
The plan is a major departure from the first four years of the US presence in Iraq when nearly every need was provided by large US contractors such as Kellogg Brown and Root, a Halliburton subsidiary. KBR in turn brought in thousands of foreign workers, mainly from south Asia. Unlike citizens from other countries hosting US bases, Iraqis have seen few financial benefits from having more than 140,000 US troops in their country.
A December 2004 suicide attack on a US military dining facility in Mosul killed 14 soldiers and for all intents and purposes ended the employment of locals on bases. Iraqi unemployment was bad before the 2003 US invasion, but following a series of decisions by the Coalition Provisional Authority to disband the army and shut down state-owned industries, it soared to an estimated 48 percent.
One of the most tangible results of this shift is the ongoing mission by Deputy Defence Secretary Paul Brinkely to restart dozens of mothballed state-owned factories. The I-BIZ programme would coordinate with Brinkley's efforts and the reopened factories could have storefronts in the industrial zones, Anderson said. For now, the project is in its infancy, with a two-year-old prototype near the southern city of Diwaniyah. The first true zone will open in August next to the massive Camp Victory base at Baghdad airport. Over the next year, further zones will appear at Tikrit's Camp Speicher, at Camp Taji just north of Baghdad and at Talil Air Base, in the south near Nasiriyah. Construction began six weeks ago on the Camp Victory Iraqi zone which will hold around 35 businesses over 25 acres.
"Let's get American and third country contractors out of that business and let's get Iraqis into that business," Brigadier Steven Anderson, a driving force behind the programme, told AFP. "Let's get Iraqis employed and get them out of the bomb-making business and into the support-providing business," added the deputy chief of staff for resources and sustainment.
The Iraq-based industrial zone (I-BIZ) programme was conceived last year when military commanders recognised the need to boost employment to put a dent in the violence raging throughout the country. "There is a clear focus both by the Iraqi government and on the part of the US mission of beginning this process to see more jobs created," a US official in Baghdad told reporters in May.
The idea is comparatively simple and mirrors the support industries to be found outside US bases in South Korea and Germany. It will involve building a protected area for Iraqis to provide products, services and maintenance.
The plan is a major departure from the first four years of the US presence in Iraq when nearly every need was provided by large US contractors such as Kellogg Brown and Root, a Halliburton subsidiary. KBR in turn brought in thousands of foreign workers, mainly from south Asia. Unlike citizens from other countries hosting US bases, Iraqis have seen few financial benefits from having more than 140,000 US troops in their country.
A December 2004 suicide attack on a US military dining facility in Mosul killed 14 soldiers and for all intents and purposes ended the employment of locals on bases. Iraqi unemployment was bad before the 2003 US invasion, but following a series of decisions by the Coalition Provisional Authority to disband the army and shut down state-owned industries, it soared to an estimated 48 percent.
One of the most tangible results of this shift is the ongoing mission by Deputy Defence Secretary Paul Brinkely to restart dozens of mothballed state-owned factories. The I-BIZ programme would coordinate with Brinkley's efforts and the reopened factories could have storefronts in the industrial zones, Anderson said. For now, the project is in its infancy, with a two-year-old prototype near the southern city of Diwaniyah. The first true zone will open in August next to the massive Camp Victory base at Baghdad airport. Over the next year, further zones will appear at Tikrit's Camp Speicher, at Camp Taji just north of Baghdad and at Talil Air Base, in the south near Nasiriyah. Construction began six weeks ago on the Camp Victory Iraqi zone which will hold around 35 businesses over 25 acres.
Labels: Brigadier Steven Anderson, Camp Victory, contractors, I-BIZ, Iraqi businesses, KBR, Paul Brinkley, U.S. military
Friday, June 01, 2007
U.S. military seeking talks with al-Sadr
Security, Politics
(McClatchy Newspapers) - The U.S. military is seeking talks with Shiite Muslim cleric Muqtada al-Sadr directly and through the government of Iraq, according to a top American general. A Sadr aide confirmed that U.S. officials had approached the anti-American cleric's supporters but said that Sadr would never begin a dialogue with what they describe as "occupation forces."
"He has a grass-roots movement that he's always going to have; we have to recognize that," Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno, the second-ranking American commander in Iraq, told McClatchy Newspapers in an interview this week. "We're trying to talk to him. We want to talk to him." At the same time, however, U.S. and British forces have stepped up operations against the Mahdi Army in the sprawling Shiite slum of Sadr City in Baghdad and the southern port city of Basra.
Odierno told McClatchy that he wasn't sure whether Sadr's resurfacing in the Shiite holy city of Kufa last week was a good or bad thing for American forces in Iraq. While the cleric was away, his organization became more fractionalized, and part of the reason for his return, Odierno said, was "the consolidation of his powers." This could mean cleaning up rogue elements of the Mahdi Army, he said. "I'm mixed; I'm not sure yet," Odierno said referring to the effect of Sadr's return on security. "I'll take a wait-and-see attitude."
Sadr largely inherited his constituency from the millions of impoverished Shiites in Iraq who are loyal to his father, the popular Mohammed Sadiq al-Sadr, whom Saddam Hussein's regime assassinated. While Muqtada al-Sadr's religious standing is shaky, his family name draws deep loyalty. Shiites credit his militia with protecting them from Sunni insurgents who target Shiite neighborhoods. But the Mahdi Army also is blamed for kidnapping and killing Sunni men.
Salah al-Obaidi, a senior Sadr aide, acknowledged that the U.S. has approached the cleric's supporters multiple times about talks with Sadr. He said the requests had been rebuffed. "This will be a betrayal for the country," Obaidi said. "Any cooperation with the occupier is forbidden."
If the Iranian-backed Sadr, who's cast himself as a national resistance figure, began talking with the U.S. he'd risk losing support in the Iraqi street. During his absence he issued statements with fiery anti-American rhetoric while calling on followers not to attack. He called for a demonstration in Najaf in April against the American presence in Iraq, and legislators from his movement are circulating a bill in parliament to set a timetable for a U.S. withdrawal.
Sadr's supporters have "no problem" if members of the U.S. Congress were to meet with Sadrists in parliament, Obaidi said. "We respect the American people. We have no problem with them. We know not all of them accept the occupation."
The U.S. military has begun to draw distinctions between Sadr and what it calls "rogue" Mahdi Army members. It most often links the men whom it detains and kills to Iran through their weapon of choice: explosively formed projectiles, which are armor-piercing bombs that the American military claims come from Iran. Separating Sadr from the Mahdi Army commanders whom the American military is targeting could set the stage for U.S.-Sadr talks.
"He has a grass-roots movement that he's always going to have; we have to recognize that," Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno, the second-ranking American commander in Iraq, told McClatchy Newspapers in an interview this week. "We're trying to talk to him. We want to talk to him." At the same time, however, U.S. and British forces have stepped up operations against the Mahdi Army in the sprawling Shiite slum of Sadr City in Baghdad and the southern port city of Basra.
Odierno told McClatchy that he wasn't sure whether Sadr's resurfacing in the Shiite holy city of Kufa last week was a good or bad thing for American forces in Iraq. While the cleric was away, his organization became more fractionalized, and part of the reason for his return, Odierno said, was "the consolidation of his powers." This could mean cleaning up rogue elements of the Mahdi Army, he said. "I'm mixed; I'm not sure yet," Odierno said referring to the effect of Sadr's return on security. "I'll take a wait-and-see attitude."
Sadr largely inherited his constituency from the millions of impoverished Shiites in Iraq who are loyal to his father, the popular Mohammed Sadiq al-Sadr, whom Saddam Hussein's regime assassinated. While Muqtada al-Sadr's religious standing is shaky, his family name draws deep loyalty. Shiites credit his militia with protecting them from Sunni insurgents who target Shiite neighborhoods. But the Mahdi Army also is blamed for kidnapping and killing Sunni men.
Salah al-Obaidi, a senior Sadr aide, acknowledged that the U.S. has approached the cleric's supporters multiple times about talks with Sadr. He said the requests had been rebuffed. "This will be a betrayal for the country," Obaidi said. "Any cooperation with the occupier is forbidden."
If the Iranian-backed Sadr, who's cast himself as a national resistance figure, began talking with the U.S. he'd risk losing support in the Iraqi street. During his absence he issued statements with fiery anti-American rhetoric while calling on followers not to attack. He called for a demonstration in Najaf in April against the American presence in Iraq, and legislators from his movement are circulating a bill in parliament to set a timetable for a U.S. withdrawal.
Sadr's supporters have "no problem" if members of the U.S. Congress were to meet with Sadrists in parliament, Obaidi said. "We respect the American people. We have no problem with them. We know not all of them accept the occupation."
The U.S. military has begun to draw distinctions between Sadr and what it calls "rogue" Mahdi Army members. It most often links the men whom it detains and kills to Iran through their weapon of choice: explosively formed projectiles, which are armor-piercing bombs that the American military claims come from Iran. Separating Sadr from the Mahdi Army commanders whom the American military is targeting could set the stage for U.S.-Sadr talks.
Labels: Basra, EFPs, Lt. Gen. Ray Odierno, Moqtada Al-Sadr, Sadr City, U.S. military
Thursday, May 24, 2007
Delicate negotiations for U.S. forces to clear way into Sadr City
Security
(The Washington Post) - The US military is engaged in delicate negotiations inside Sadr City to clear the way for a gradual push in coming weeks by more American and Iraqi forces into the volatile Shiite enclave of more than 2 million people, one of the most daunting challenges of the campaign to stabilise Baghdad.
So sensitive is the problem of the sprawling slum--heavily controlled by militiamen loyal to anti-American cleric Moqtada Al Sadr - that Gen. David Petraeus, the top US commander in Iraq, personally approves all targets for raids inside the Baghdad district, military officers said.
Lacking sufficient troops so far to move deeper into Sadr City, the military has cautiously edged into the southern part, conducting searches and patrols, handing out supplies and using offers of economic aid to try to overcome resistance. Meanwhile, US Special Operations forces and other US and Iraqi troops have detained militia leaders in an effort to weaken their organisation.
As additional US forces flow into Baghdad this month and next, the plan is to step up the presence of US and Iraqi troops in Sadr City, US commanders said in interviews over the past three weeks. "More US forces are needed in Sadr City to establish greater control, with Iraqi forces. We have to be matched," Col. Billy Don Farris, commander of the 82nd Airborne Division's 2nd Brigade and senior US officer for the area.
Commanders say they intend to use political negotiations to gain peaceful entry into the district, bringing with them Iraqi forces and reconstruction projects. US officials hope "to take Sadr City without a shot fired," said Maj. Gen. Joseph Fil, the senior US general overseeing Baghdad.
But negotiations have had setbacks, with key players shot or intimidated. Farris, the lead American officer in the talks, was evacuated from Iraq and is recovering after being shot in the leg May 3 in a different part of Baghdad, his spokesman said last week.
If political avenues are exhausted, the US military has formulated other options, including plans for a wholesale clearing operation in Sadr City that would require a much larger force, but commanders stress that this is a last resort.
"A second Fallujah plan exists, but we don't want to execute it," a military officer in Baghdad said, referring to the US military offensive in November 2004 to retake the insurgent stronghold of Fallujah in Iraq's western Anbar province. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak with reporters.
So sensitive is the problem of the sprawling slum--heavily controlled by militiamen loyal to anti-American cleric Moqtada Al Sadr - that Gen. David Petraeus, the top US commander in Iraq, personally approves all targets for raids inside the Baghdad district, military officers said.
Lacking sufficient troops so far to move deeper into Sadr City, the military has cautiously edged into the southern part, conducting searches and patrols, handing out supplies and using offers of economic aid to try to overcome resistance. Meanwhile, US Special Operations forces and other US and Iraqi troops have detained militia leaders in an effort to weaken their organisation.
As additional US forces flow into Baghdad this month and next, the plan is to step up the presence of US and Iraqi troops in Sadr City, US commanders said in interviews over the past three weeks. "More US forces are needed in Sadr City to establish greater control, with Iraqi forces. We have to be matched," Col. Billy Don Farris, commander of the 82nd Airborne Division's 2nd Brigade and senior US officer for the area.
Commanders say they intend to use political negotiations to gain peaceful entry into the district, bringing with them Iraqi forces and reconstruction projects. US officials hope "to take Sadr City without a shot fired," said Maj. Gen. Joseph Fil, the senior US general overseeing Baghdad.
But negotiations have had setbacks, with key players shot or intimidated. Farris, the lead American officer in the talks, was evacuated from Iraq and is recovering after being shot in the leg May 3 in a different part of Baghdad, his spokesman said last week.
If political avenues are exhausted, the US military has formulated other options, including plans for a wholesale clearing operation in Sadr City that would require a much larger force, but commanders stress that this is a last resort.
"A second Fallujah plan exists, but we don't want to execute it," a military officer in Baghdad said, referring to the US military offensive in November 2004 to retake the insurgent stronghold of Fallujah in Iraq's western Anbar province. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak with reporters.
Labels: Col. Billy Don Farris, Maj. Gen. Joseph Fil, Sadr City, U.S. military
Friday, April 27, 2007
Petraeus warns violence will get worse before it improves
Security
(Reuters) - The United States' struggle to stabilize Iraq may get harder before it gets easier and runs the risk of higher U.S. and Iraqi casualties, the top U.S. commander in charge of the war said on Thursday. Army Gen. David Petraeus provided his assessment the day after the Democratic majority in the U.S. House of Representatives pushed through legislation calling for U.S. troops to begin withdrawing from Iraq by Oct. 1.
President George W. Bush has pledged to veto the bill, passed by the Senate on Thursday, and Petraeus said sectarian violence in Iraq would likely rise if his troops pulled back from securing Baghdad in the fall. "My sense is that there would be an increase in sectarian violence, a resumption of sectarian violence, were the presence of our forces and Iraqi forces, at that time, to be reduced," Petraeus told reporters at the Pentagon.
He said the new effort to curb violence with more troops, ordered by Bush in January, meant going into neighborhoods where extremists had been able to operate freely. "Because we are operating in new areas and challenging elements in those areas, this effort may get harder before it gets easier," said Petraeus, who has briefed Bush and members of Congress on the war during his visit to Washington.
"I think there is the very real possibility that there's going to be more combat action and that, therefore, there could be more casualties," he said. Petraeus said ultimate success in Iraq would be down to the Iraqis and their ability to reconcile. "We can provide the Iraqis an opportunity but they will have to exploit it," he said.
President George W. Bush has pledged to veto the bill, passed by the Senate on Thursday, and Petraeus said sectarian violence in Iraq would likely rise if his troops pulled back from securing Baghdad in the fall. "My sense is that there would be an increase in sectarian violence, a resumption of sectarian violence, were the presence of our forces and Iraqi forces, at that time, to be reduced," Petraeus told reporters at the Pentagon.
He said the new effort to curb violence with more troops, ordered by Bush in January, meant going into neighborhoods where extremists had been able to operate freely. "Because we are operating in new areas and challenging elements in those areas, this effort may get harder before it gets easier," said Petraeus, who has briefed Bush and members of Congress on the war during his visit to Washington.
"I think there is the very real possibility that there's going to be more combat action and that, therefore, there could be more casualties," he said. Petraeus said ultimate success in Iraq would be down to the Iraqis and their ability to reconcile. "We can provide the Iraqis an opportunity but they will have to exploit it," he said.
Labels: General David Petraeus, Iraq, Iraqi Army, U.S. military, U.S. troop withdrawal, violence
Saturday, April 21, 2007
Azamiyah residents complain about barrier
Security
(AP) - A wall U.S. troops are building around a Sunni enclave in Baghdad came under increasing criticism on Saturday, with residents calling it "collective punishment" and a local leader saying construction began without the neighborhood council's approval.
The U.S. military says the wall in Baghdad is meant to secure the minority Sunni community of Azamiyah, which "has been trapped in a spiral of sectarian violence and retaliation." The area, located on the eastern side of the Tigris River, would be completely gated, with entrances and exits manned by Iraqi soldiers, the U.S. military said earlier this week.
But some residents of the neighborhood, which is surrounded by Shiite areas, complained that they had not been consulted in advance about the barrier. U.S. and Iraqi forces have long erected cement barriers around marketplaces and coalition bases and outposts in Baghdad and other Iraqi cities such as Ramadi in an effort to prevent attacks, including suicide car bombs. But the Azamiyah project appears to be the biggest effort ever to use a lengthy wall in Baghdad to break contact, and violence, between Sunnis and Shiites.
The U.S. strategy for stabilizing Iraq now involves persuading Iraqis to live in peace and support their democratically elected government and launching a security plan in the capital that calls for 28,000 additional American troops and thousands of Iraqi soldiers.
The U.S. military says it began building the barrier April 10. AP Television News footage from the site on Saturday showed small concrete blocks, piles of dirt and coils of barbed wire on a main street. Eventually, the military said, the wall will be three miles long and include sections as tall as 12 feet. Community leaders said Saturday that construction began before they had approved an American proposal for the wall.
"A few days ago, we met with the U.S. army unit in charge of Azamiyah and it asked us, as a local council, to sign a document to build a wall to reduce killing and attacks against Iraqi and U.S. forces," said Dawood al-Azami, the acting head of the Azamiyah council. "I told the soldiers that I would not sign it unless I could talk to residents first. We told residents at Friday prayers, but our local council hasn't signed onto the project yet, and construction is already under way."
The U.S. military says the wall in Baghdad is meant to secure the minority Sunni community of Azamiyah, which "has been trapped in a spiral of sectarian violence and retaliation." The area, located on the eastern side of the Tigris River, would be completely gated, with entrances and exits manned by Iraqi soldiers, the U.S. military said earlier this week.
But some residents of the neighborhood, which is surrounded by Shiite areas, complained that they had not been consulted in advance about the barrier. U.S. and Iraqi forces have long erected cement barriers around marketplaces and coalition bases and outposts in Baghdad and other Iraqi cities such as Ramadi in an effort to prevent attacks, including suicide car bombs. But the Azamiyah project appears to be the biggest effort ever to use a lengthy wall in Baghdad to break contact, and violence, between Sunnis and Shiites.
The U.S. strategy for stabilizing Iraq now involves persuading Iraqis to live in peace and support their democratically elected government and launching a security plan in the capital that calls for 28,000 additional American troops and thousands of Iraqi soldiers.
The U.S. military says it began building the barrier April 10. AP Television News footage from the site on Saturday showed small concrete blocks, piles of dirt and coils of barbed wire on a main street. Eventually, the military said, the wall will be three miles long and include sections as tall as 12 feet. Community leaders said Saturday that construction began before they had approved an American proposal for the wall.
"A few days ago, we met with the U.S. army unit in charge of Azamiyah and it asked us, as a local council, to sign a document to build a wall to reduce killing and attacks against Iraqi and U.S. forces," said Dawood al-Azami, the acting head of the Azamiyah council. "I told the soldiers that I would not sign it unless I could talk to residents first. We told residents at Friday prayers, but our local council hasn't signed onto the project yet, and construction is already under way."
Labels: Azamiyah, barrier, Dawood al-Azami, U.S. military
Thursday, April 12, 2007
Families flee violence in Diwaniyah as Mahdi Army and security forces clash
Security
(Azzaman) - Fighting in the southern city of Diwaniya has forced hundreds of families to flee their homes. Fighting between U.S. forces and the militia group known as Mahdi Army has been raging in the city for four days. The troops are searching houses and mounting raids on residential areas where Mahdi Army fighters are reported to be hiding. The troops, aided by Iraqi police and forces, say they have ‘purged’ the northern sectors of the city and were heading towards the southern parts where they are meeting stiff resistance.
As the troops move into residential areas, hundreds of families are fleeing in disarray, fearing for their lives. The city has been under curfew for the past few days and without electricity and basic amenities. Hameed Jaati of the Health Department in Diwaniya said nine civilians have been killed and 25 others wounded in the fighting.
The Mahdi Army is the military wing of the movement led by the Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr who opposes the presence of U.S. occupation troops in the country. Sadr has six ministers in the cabinet and 30 deputies in parliament but his alliance with the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is unstable. He staged massive demonstration against U.S. occupation to mark the fourth anniversary of the fall of Baghdad to U.S. troops and has threatened to leave the government.
Diwaniya, 180 kilometers south of Baghdad, is the administrative capital of the Province of Qadissiya. Located on a branch of the Euphrates River and on the Baghdad-Basra railroad, it is a marketplace for dates and grains.
As the troops move into residential areas, hundreds of families are fleeing in disarray, fearing for their lives. The city has been under curfew for the past few days and without electricity and basic amenities. Hameed Jaati of the Health Department in Diwaniya said nine civilians have been killed and 25 others wounded in the fighting.
The Mahdi Army is the military wing of the movement led by the Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr who opposes the presence of U.S. occupation troops in the country. Sadr has six ministers in the cabinet and 30 deputies in parliament but his alliance with the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki is unstable. He staged massive demonstration against U.S. occupation to mark the fourth anniversary of the fall of Baghdad to U.S. troops and has threatened to leave the government.
Diwaniya, 180 kilometers south of Baghdad, is the administrative capital of the Province of Qadissiya. Located on a branch of the Euphrates River and on the Baghdad-Basra railroad, it is a marketplace for dates and grains.
Labels: Diwaniya, Mahdi Army, Moqtada Al-Sadr, U.S. military
Overstretched U.S. military to send more troops to Iraq for longer deployments
Security, U.S.
(Al Jazeera) - The Pentagon has said that US soldiers will serve up to 15 months in Iraq and Afghanistan instead of one year, showing more signs of the strain the wars have taken on the military. "Our forces are stretched, there's no question about that," Robert Gates, the defence secretary, said on Wednesday.
He said the move would allow the military to sustain for a year the increased troop level in Iraq ordered by the president in January. Critics say the decision was a blow to the military, the troops and their families. Ike Skelton, a Democrat who chairs the Armed Services Committee in the House of Representatives, said: "This new policy will be an additional burden to an already overstretched army. "I think this will have a chilling effect on recruiting, retention and readiness. We also must not underestimate the enormous negative impact this will have on army families."
He said the move would allow the military to sustain for a year the increased troop level in Iraq ordered by the president in January. Critics say the decision was a blow to the military, the troops and their families. Ike Skelton, a Democrat who chairs the Armed Services Committee in the House of Representatives, said: "This new policy will be an additional burden to an already overstretched army. "I think this will have a chilling effect on recruiting, retention and readiness. We also must not underestimate the enormous negative impact this will have on army families."
Gates admitted that "this decision will ask a lot of our army troops and their families". The policy is effective immediately and also applies to units already in the region, he said. There are about 145,000 US troops in Iraq and 25,000 in Afghanistan. As part of George Bush's plan, the military is the midst of boosting its Iraq force by 28,000 combat and support troops.
The Pentagon's goal for active duty army troops is that they spend two years at home for every year deployed, but it has not been able to meet that target in recent years. At the moment, army units average about a year at home for every year deployed, Pentagon officials say. In an effort to tackle the strains on the military, Gates has ordered an increase in the size of both the army and the Marine Corps.
The Pentagon's goal for active duty army troops is that they spend two years at home for every year deployed, but it has not been able to meet that target in recent years. At the moment, army units average about a year at home for every year deployed, Pentagon officials say. In an effort to tackle the strains on the military, Gates has ordered an increase in the size of both the army and the Marine Corps.
Labels: Robert Gates, U.S. military
